THE illustration which accompanies these few lines is meant to represent an incident in the life of St. Edmund of Canterbury, which rests on the authority of. his own brother, Robert Rich. St. Edmund went to Oxford as a boy of the age of twelve years. His brother tells us that, one day "going out into the meadows in order to withdraw from the boisterous play of his companions, the Child Jesus appeared to him, and saluted him with the words, 'Hail, beloved one!' And he, wondering at the beauty of the Child, replied, 'Who are you, for to me you are certainly unknown?' Then said the Child, 'How comes it that I am unknown to thee, seeing that I sit by thy side in school, and wherever thou art, there do I accompany thee? Look in My face, and see what is there written.' Edmund looked, and saw the words, 'Jesus of Nazareth, the King of the Jews.' 'This is My name,' said the Child, 'write it on thy forehead every night, and it shall protect thee from sudden death.' Then He disappeared on Whom the angels desire to look, leaving the other with a sweetness in his heart passing that of honey." There are boys enough and young men enough in Oxford at the present time, and one of the modern developments of the place is that the softer sex, as it is called, throngs the lecture-rooms as well as the young men, and although the contemporaries of the Saint of Canterbury would probably stare at the games of cricket and lawn-tennis, and especially of the mixture of the two sexes in play, which makes the meadows and lawns about the old seat of holy learning ring with merriment, perhaps not always so boisterous as that of the schoolboys of St. Edmund's time, we fear that there are not many who think very much of the Holy Child Jesus as a possible companion. Education goes on as of old, or what passes for such, but it is not allied with devotion, but rather with that peculiarly disagreeable form of scepticism, the scepticism of the self-sufficient young, who think that they know everything. Let us hope that the English saints still watch over some at least of the students in the old haunts of religious monastic learning, and enable them to preserve that innocence which was the great characteristic of St. Edmund, and against which so many snares are set in the Oxford of modern days.

Unfortunately, it is not easy to maintain innocence in the midst of false teaching. There are, we are happy to believe, hundreds of innocent souls among the youth of our country, for the English home is still, thanks to God, a nursery of many high virtues and examples. There are still men, also, in the national Universities, who are doing their best to maintain the faith in God of the young men committed to their care. But the tide has turned, for many years back, in the direction of that laxity in opinion which it was the great object of Cardinal Newman, in the days in which he was a power in the University of Oxford, to repress and banish. But too many who took a part in the great movement which is connected by name with Oxford, turned away from the natural and lawful issue of their own principles, and refused to submit to the Church. From that day the tendency in Oxford has been towards infidelity, and there has been far too little power to stem the stream in the men who were so conspicuously inconsistent in their own maintenance of religious truth.


The Human Life of Jesus was marked throughout by the firm filial confidence with which He trusted Himself to the Eternal Father, and relied upon His love. To be then an imitator of Him, this boundless trust must become ours too, and must animate all we undertake.

In nothing perhaps do the lives of the Saints give us more attractive examples than in this quiet invincible trust in God's help. They took, it is true, more pains than we do to know the will of God, but when they were sure of that, they did not know what it was to hesitate. Difficulties only made them braver, apparent impossibilities never stopped them, a passing failure became in their eyes a pledge of coming success. Thus the great St. Teresa, whose third centenary is being celebrated now with such joy and devotion all over the Church, was preparing to found a new convent with only one Spanish "real," a single coin in her treasury; to those who represented the impossibility of such an undertaking, she replied, It is true that Teresa and one "real" are small things enough, but Teresa, one "real," and God, make a great deal! These are indeed words of a Saint, but the spirit which made her say them—a spirit of confidence founded on the conviction that God was with her—this spirit ought to animate us all.

The secret of this strong confidence is not hard to find. All that we do for the honour of Jesus Christ, all that we undertake in order to do His will, must have the sympathy, the help, and the love of His Father, must therefore in the long run succeed.

The point in which we fail, which makes us so soon fainthearted when things go wrong, is that we only see His honour by halves, and in the rest we seek our own. We can trust well enough when all is prosperous and we are happy, but that sort of trust has but small merit, gives Him but small glory; but when, as so often happens, we are kept a very long time waiting for success, and things even seem only to go from bad to worse, there are very few, and their intentions are very pure, who know how to go on trusting with a bright face an unshaken heart, but it is they who earn the secret praise which He gives to them alone: You are they who have persevered with Me in My temptations* Who will not wish and strive to be of them.

Sacred Heart of Jesus! through the Immaculate Heart of Mary, I offer Thee the prayers, labours, and crosses of this day, in expiation of our offences, and for all Thy other intentions. I offer them especially to obtain for all our Associates a trust in Thee which no misfortunes may be able to shake. Free us, O Jesus, from all cowardice and discouragement, and from that unholy fear which makes us unworthy of Thy help.

* St. Luke xxii. 28.

For the triumph of the Church and Holy See, and the Catholic regeneration of nations.

November Intention

Ecclesiasticus 7:40, "in all thy works be mindful of thy last end and thou wilt never sin."

Plenary Indulgence for Souls in Purgatory
from November I though November 8 inclusive

I. On All Souls’ Day (Nov. 2) a plenary indulgence, applicable only to the Poor Souls, is granted to those who visit any parish church or public oratory and there recite one Our Father and one Credo.

II. On all the days from November I though November 8 inclusive, a plenary indulgence, applicable only to the Poor Souls, is granted to those who visit a cemetery and pray even if only mentally for the departed.

Conditions for both indulgences:

1. Only one plenary indulgence can be granted per day.

2. It is necessary to be in the state of grace, at least by completion of the work.

3. Freedom from attachment to sin, even venial sin, is necessary; otherwise the indulgence is only partial. (By this is meant attachment to a particular sin, not sin in general.)

4. Holy Communion must be received each time the indulgence is sought.

5. Prayers must he recited for the intentions of the Holy Father on each day the indulgence is sought. (No particular prayers are prescribed. One Our Father and one Hail Mary suffice, or other suitable prayers.

6. A sacramental concession must he made within a week of completion of the prescribed work. (One confession made during the week, made with the intention of gaining all the indulgences, suffices.)


(Prayers for the dead.)

O vos fideles animae.

YE souls of the faithful who sleep in the Lord

But as yet are shut out from your final reward;

Oh, would I could lend you assistance to fly

From your prison below to your palace on high.

O Father of mercies, Thine anger withhold,

These works of Thy hands in Thy mercy behold:

Too oft from Thy path they have wandered aside,

But Thee, their Creator, they never denied.

O tender Redeemer, their misery see,

Deliver the souls that were ransom'd by Thee;

Behold how they love Thee despite of their pain,

Restore them, restore them to favour again.

O Spirit of Grace, O consoler divine,

See how for Thy Presence they longingly pine!

Ah, then, to enliven their sadness descend,

And fill them with peace and joy to the end.

O Mother of Mercy, dear soother of grief,

Send thou to their torments a balmy relief;

Attemper the rigour of Justice severe,

And soften their pains with a pitying tear.

Ye Patrons who watched o'er their safety below,

Oh think how they need your fidelity now;

And stir all the Angels and saints of the sky

To plead for the souls that upon you rely.

All ye too who honour the Saints and their Head,

Remember, remember to pray for the dead;

And they in return from their misery free'd,

To you will be friends in the hour of your need.

(Printed by permission of the Author.) F. CASWALL.




"It is therefore a holy and salutary thought to pray for the dead that they may be loosed from their sins."—2 Machabees, xii. 46.

THE month of November is by a holy and excellent custom of the faithful in an especial manner sacred to the pious exercise of prayers for the dead, and the custom, of course, reposes first on the general truth conveyed in the words of the sacred Scripture above quoted: "It is a holy and salutary thought to pray for the dead that they may be loosed from their sins;" and secondly, on the circumstance that on the second day of November, viz., on the day after the solemn celebration of the Feast of all Saints, the whole Church keeps a day of solemn commemoration of the Souls of all the Faithful departed, from whence the piety of the faithful has gradually built up the excellent practice of treating the whole month of November as in an especial manner sacred to the pious and holy exercise of prayer for the repose of the souls of the departed.

There is always a great and precious value in a good custom, and we can seldom do anything better than seek to introduce a good custom where it either does not exist or has fallen through, or endeavour to strengthen and invigorate by all means in our power what is already in existence. As returning November, then, brings round its annual memory of the departed, we cannot do better than seek to reinvigorate and refresh our minds with considering anew some of the principal reasons which render it a "holy and a salutary thought to pray for the dead, that they may be loosed from their sins."

This thought we must consider is holy and salutary in two different respects; first, for the reason that it is by the mercy of God that it comes to be granted to these prayers greatly to benefit the dead, by their effect in loosing them from their sins ; and secondly, because the charity of offering such prayers is very greatly blessed to ourselves.

What the particular sufferings are which those of the departed suffer who are in the condition to be benefited by our prayers, it is not granted to us to know. It is sufficient for us to know that the suffering is real, and that it is caused by their sins, for the sacred text is particular in specifying the effect of the prayer that is to be piously and charitably hoped for on behalf of the departed, namely, that they may be loosed from their sins. What the precise happy effect to the departed of being loosed from their sins may be, is not a thing placed within our ken or knowledge. These things are the secrets of the unseen world, which we are not allowed to know; but taking the world which we do see and know as a mirror of the world which is veiled from our sight, we ought to be able, without difficulty, to come at least to such an understanding of the benefit that must accrue to the departed from being loosed from their sins, as should be quite sufficient to awaken and keep alive our charity in their behalf. The sins which are taken notice of and which are attended with penalties and suffering in our world, are not by any means either fully commensurate or precisely identical with the sins that carry with them penalties and sufferings in the world that is out of our sight. We must guard ourselves from falling into any such error as this; but notwithstanding in a general way the parallel is such that there is very much to be learned from it.

Sin in our world, then, is known to bring two kinds of penalties with it. Direct penal suffering such as is visited upon proved offences against human law, of which kind are imprisonments, hard labour, floggings, and the like; and secondly, disqualification from eligible social promotion, and exclusion from desirable society with others. To be loosed, then, from sin in our world, has the effect which we can quite understand, of opening the prison doors for restoration to personal liberty and freedom, and the removal of the social bars and disqualifications which cause the exclusion of the sufferer from much that is pleasant and eligible in this world. And in this manner we may very sufficiently understand what a great gain it cannot fail to be to the departed, if the being loosed from their sins has the analogous effect in the world where they now are, of putting an end to the positive suffering that they may be enduring, as also of removing the bar and disqualification under which they lie of being admitted to the heavenly society, the joy of which they so greatly long to share.

If, therefore, God in His great mercy has been pleased to grant to the prayers of those who are still on earth the gracious efficacy that they avail to loose the dead from their sins, it needs no further insisting to make it plain, at least as regards the departed, how holy and salutary a thought it is "to pray for-the dead that they may be loosed from their sins."

But the benefit of such prayers is by no means restricted to the departed. If they bring, as we are taught to believe, a great relief and advantage to the dead for whom they are offered, they bring also at least equal blessings and benefits of another kind to the living who have the faith and charity to offer them; and the thought to pray for the dead is not holy and salutary solely with respect to the dead, but also equally holy and salutary in its way for the living.

In the first place, prayer for the dead is pre-eminently an exercise of the virtue of faith. Many other good deeds, such as visiting the sick, and relieving the pressing necessities of the poor, bring with them a present reward of their own, in our being able to see with our eyes the happy results of our charitable efforts; and there is a certain reward also in the gratitude and thankfulness which we may frequently receive in return for our assistance. But in the case of prayer for the dead, we can receive nothing whatever of this kind that we can appreciate by sight, for all rests purely on faith. It is simply from faith in the assurances of the Church that we know that our prayers occasion any relief to the sufferers, and we can as little see the sufferings themselves which are relieved as we can either see the relief which our prayers have been the means of bringing, or receive any manifestations of gratitude from those to whose relief we have been instrumental. And yet such prayer is far from being without its reward in its own kind, namely, in the way of greatly strengthening the very faith which has prompted and sustained the prayer. "Lord strengthen our faith," was a prayer of our Lord's Apostles to Him. And nothing tends more solidly to strengthen and confirm faith than the pious practice of praying for the dead that they may be loosed from their sins.

Again, praying for the dead is holy and salutary for the living, because it puts them in mind of what is impending over themselves, in a way that cannot fail to make a salutary impression. "Remember thy latter end," says the sacred text, ''and thou wilt never sin." The charity of praying for the dead is rewarded by the fixing in our minds the salutary thought that we must die ourselves. And this thought is one that is fruitful in the best results. It is not only one of the best preservatives from sin, but it is also one of the most powerful stimulants to industry and the good employment of time. As the wise man says, "Whatsoever thy hand findeth to do, do it with all thy might, for there is neither knowledge, nor wisdom, nor understanding, in the grave whither thou hastenest."

And again, the object for which we pray in behalf of the dead is "that they may be loosed from their sins," and in doing this we confess that that which occasions suffering and distress to them in the world where they are is their sin. It cannot, therefore, but strike every one's mind how very contradictory it must be to have the charity for the dead to pray on their behalf, that they may be loosed from their sins, and to be without charity to ourselves, to beware how we may be binding ourselves in our own world with the chains of sinful practices in which we wrongly indulge ourselves, not attending to the truth that the sinner is equally bound by his sin as well in our visible world as in the world which we cannot see. If, therefore, we were to pray for the dead that they may be loosed from their sins, at the same time that we are binding ourselves with sins of our own, we should be having charity which we confess to be for suffering brought upon others by their sins, and no concern for the sufferings which we could not but equally know that we are bringing on ourselves by our own sins. And this seems too palpable a contradiction to be possible, except through almost inconceivable blindness and perversity. It is, therefore, a most holy and salutary thought, as far as we are ourselves concerned, to pray for the dead that they may be loosed from their sins, for in so doing we procure for ourselves the best possible admonition to keep out of the way of sins ourselves, and the charity which we show to the dead, by prayers for them, comes back to ourselves in the form of the best possible charity for ourselves, which dictates the most scrupulous abstinence from the ways of sin, and the most watchful vigilance against contact with anything that may be an occasion of temptation to sin.

And these considerations must now suffice to commend and encourage, to the utmost of our power, the pious and holy custom of making the month of November especially sacred to the charitable practice of praying and causing masses to be offered for the dead that they may be loosed from their sins.

All Souls

Ictu Oculi (In the blink of an Eye)
The Brotherhood of Charity, the Caridad, as it is known, was one of Seville's major lay confraternities. It was founded in 1565 with the mission of providing a decent burial for paupers. From 1663 the charitable activities were expanded to provide care for the needy sick, and a hospital was built, simultaneously enlarging and renovating the already existing chapel.

The scheme for the decoration of the chapel is a tripartite exposition of Christian charity as the way of salvation. The first part comprises two memorable paintings by Valdés Leal, demonstrating the futility of earthly pursuits and honours. A life devoted to accumulating wealth, power, and even learning is shown to lead only to the grave. Charity, which constitutes the second part of the program, provides the way to salvation, as seen in the seven acts of mercy, six of which are depicted by Murillo; the seventh, burying the dead, the Caridad's foundation charity, is embodied in a sculptural group, the Entombment of Christ by Pedro Roldán, placed in the altarpiece. The third component consists of two paintings by Murillo for lateral altars, depicting St Elizabeth of Hungary and St John of God, both illustrating the efficacy of good works and the necessity of personal participation in charitable deeds.

Valdés Leal's relentlessly gruesome paintings are located just inside the entrance, so that visitors to the church must experience the agony of Valdés's Hell before entering the promised land of Murillo's acts of mercy. The first, entitled In Ictu Oculi (In the twinkling of an Eye), is a highly charged representation of the futility of worldly goals and pursuits. The path of glory lead but to the grave, which is unflinchingly rendered in the companion picture, Finis Gloriae Mundi (The End of Worldly Glory), where vile bugs feast on the rotting remnants of human flesh.

Of all the great painters of the school of Seville - alongside Zurbarán, Velázquez and Murillo - the distinctive style of Valdés Leal is the most difficult to place. Only these two major allegories on the transience of life and on death which he himself is said to have described as "hieroglyphs of our afterlife" have remained truly popular. His patron, Don Miguel de Mañara, was a Knight of the Order of Calatrava who became a benefactor of the brotherhood of the hospital and its church in penitence for his previous life of decadence. The epitaph on his grave succinctly describes the spirit that commissioned such a powerful vanitas still life: "Here lie the bones and ashes of the worst person who ever lived on earth". His last will and testament contains the most humble self accusation not only as a great sinner, but also as an adulterer, robber and servant of the devil.

The In Ictu Oculi (an allegory of death) presents the triumph of the grim reaper, who sweeps into the picture as an imposing figure. One skeletal foot stands on the globe, while the other stands on armaments, the trappings of office and insignia of power. Under his arm, he carries a coffin and in his hand a scythe. As his right hand snuffs out the life-light represented by the candle, he stares at the spectator from the very depths of his empty eye-sockets.


The present month of October will be a time of special rejoicing to the many devout souls who have been accustomed to honour with a peculiar love the great saint of Avila. The feast of St. Teresa this year will be the three hundredth anniversary of her holy death. Spain, the country of her birth and the scene of her glorious labours for the honour of our Lord and His blessed Mother, will naturally take the lead in the joyous celebration of this centenary, and it would be long to tell of the preparations that have been made both at Alba, where her body lies, and at Avila and elsewhere, to make the anniversary truly glorious. Although English and Irish Catholics cannot expect to rival their brethren abroad in the magnificence of their celebration of this happy time, we may hope that it will not be forgotten among us, and that the fervour with which it is celebrated may serve to add fresh power to the prayers of this holy mother of so many millions of souls, either led by her to the perfect practice of the rule of our Blessed Lady, or converted to the faith by her intercessions, and the continual self-immolation of her religious sons and daughters.

It is a matter of great joy that we have among us so many convents and monasteries of the order of Mount Carmel, but we cannot but hope and pray that the centenary, which is now about to rejoice so many hearts in the Church of God, may be the signal for an increase in the number of children of our own country who fight the good fight of faith under this special banner of St. Teresa. We hear on all sides that the frivolities of the present generation, and the many dissipations which have crept in to what is still called Christian and Catholic life, work very fatally in the way of diminishing the number of the souls, who either desire to give themselves to God in the holy Order, of which St. Teresa is in modern times the chief glory, or who, having conceived the desire, have strength and perseverance enough to carry it out. It would certainly be one of the greatest possible triumphs that could be imagined for the enemy of mankind, if he could succeed in depriving our Lord of the glory and the delight which He receives from the devoted lives of the cloistered children of St. Teresa, and the Church the powerful aid which she draws from their prayers. We do not think that such a triumph will ever be granted to the author of all evil in this country. There is much in the English character which fits the true children of our country for the solid, sober, and most enduring, though most happy life of the Teresian religious, and it would show that all true spiritual courage and manliness had died out among us, if there were wanting a constant supply of recruits for this holy warfare from among ourselves. We hope, indeed, for more than this—we hope for an increase in the number of inmates of these holy homes and of these holy homes themselves; for at present we do not, in all the new freedom and expansion of which we boast, and for which we owe God such deep gratitude, furnish to the Order of St. Teresa more subjects than were furnished to it in the dark days when the Church was persecuted, when it was impossible for Englishmen or women to live at peace in their own country under the habit and rule of Mount Carmel. There must be some lamentable influence at work, if we cannot supply, to so noble a vocation, more than we could supply when those who followed it had to cross the seas in order to be unmolested in their service to our Lord and His Blessed Mother.

The illustration to which these remarks are appended speaks for itself to all those who are acquainted with the life of the glorious Mother of the Reform of Mount Carmel. It relates to the famous incident in her childhood, when she set out with her little brother, four years older than herself, on a journey which the two children fondly hoped might lead them to the land of the Moors, when they might have the blessed privilege of laying down their lives as martyrs for the faith of our Lord. "The two children set out," says the latest English biographer of the Saint, "thinking, perhaps, that the land of the Moors, of whom they had heard so much as the deadly enemies of their faith and nation, could not be far off. They put up a little stock of food, and then went stealthily out of the Adaja Gate towards Salamanca, and crossed the bridge, but they were soon met by a brother of their father's, Francis Alvarez de Cepeda, who took them home to their mother. They had already been missed, and Dona Beatriz was in fear that they might have fallen into a well, as all her search for them had proved fruitless. There was a little scene when the two culprits were questioned by their young mother as to their escape, and the historian relates the tradition that Rodrigo, who was four years the elder of the two, laid the blame on the 'little one,' who, as he said, wished to see God, and to die as soon as possible in order that she might do so."

We fear that if young children of the age -of Teresa and her brother would probably, in our days, know their geography a little better than they did, they are not likely to be brought up in such a way as to conceive the desire of seeing God as soon as possible, and of setting out on a journey for the sake of gaining the crown of martyrdom. What a modern fine lady would say to her little girl, who attempted anything of the sort, it is not so easy to imagine. But many English Catholic mothers have not hesitated to send their "little ones"—somewhat older than Teresa, certainly—to the lands where alone they conld serve God after the example of this Saint.



At first sight it may seem, no doubt, to most altogether incongruous to attribute such a quality as ambition to the Sacred Heart—that Heart which our Lord Himself tells us is meek and humble; and this arises from a natural habit of regarding ambition only as a human vice. Most of us, alas, know only one ambition—that infatuated thirst for the things of the world, which makes its blind children debase themselves in all sorts of ways to obtain a little vain honour or esteem, to throw away the peace of their conscience to gain the applause of fools.

Those who love God, in their fear of this bad passion, oppose it too commonly by one virtue, by modesty, and consider that in humbling themselves they fulfil all justice, and while they penetrate their own hearts with the sense of their own unworthiness, they contentedly see all others lift themselves above their heads.

Let us, however, see that our Lord has taught us another lesson than this. Humility assuredly He loves and praises, nor can we love it too much, but He would have us no less recognize our supernatural dignity, and by virtue of it despise as worthless the poor greatness which perishes so soon.

And, moreover, even this generous disdain of human honour ought to be nothing but a first step, but a sweeping away of the foolish delusions which might blind our eyes to that true greatness which is ours, and which He has done so much, and now longs so much, to invest us with. A crown, a throne is promised "to him who shall overcome" (Apoc. iii. 21). It is the ambition of the Heart of Jesus that we should win it. Surely that ambition should fill our hearts also.

And what is the immensity of that Divine ambition for us, Who but Himself can know? The proofs of it are in the Blood He has shed so prodigally, in the close and intimate union He has deigned to contract with us, making us in veriest truth members of His body, and our glory inseparable from His own. "And the glory which Thou has given to Me, I have given to them" (St. John xvii. 22).

Our share in this glory will be great in proportion to the greatness and strength of our ambition, and we never shall ambition for ourselves as greatly as the Heart which loves us desires. If then we reflect that each and every act of our heart with the intention, whether actual or habitual, of giving God glory, corresponds with a degree of glory gained in Heaven for all eternity, it becomes easy to understand how greatly this Divine ambition once fired in our hearts, will make those acts grow both in number and intensity. Jesus Christ has strewn the path we tread with eternal riches, but, alas, too often we are so indifferent to them that we will not take the trouble to stoop and make them our own. Those who have thought how the Heart of Jesus desires their glory, will, both for His sake and their own, aspire to respond with a nobler answer to His love.


Sacred Heart of Jesus! through the Immaculate Heart of Mary, I offer Thee the prayers, labours, and crosses of this day, in expiation of our offences, and for all Thy other intentions.

I offer them especially to obtain for Thy servants an ardent desire of eternal glory. Inspire us, O Jesus, with the determination not to lose the least of the infinite riches Thou hast purchased for us by Thy Precious Blood. Amen.

For the triumph of the Church and Holy See, and the Catholic regeneration of nations.

Apostolate of Prayer - October

Our Lady of the Pillar.*

" Regina Apostolorum." " Queen of Apostles."

IN incontestable tradition, resting upon the testimony of St. Jerome, St. Isidore, the ancient liturgies of Spain, and supported by a host of authorities and monuments, which treat it as a matter of history, tells us that St. James the Greater carried the Gospel to Spain. According to the best authorities, he undertook this mission soon after the martyrdom of St. Stephen. Thus, in the year following the ascension of our Lord, Spain had the Gospel preached to her.

But a more extraordinary legend is attached to this apostolic visit, which attributes to St. James himself the foundation of the church of our Lady del Pilar, venerated from time immemorial at Saragossa. Let us examine the foundation of this legend.

So many contradictions had arisen concerning the miraculous origin of the church, that Spain addressed herself to the Holy See, the guide of faith, to settle the controversy. Innocent XIII. then sat in St. Peter's chair. After a minute, exact, and careful investigation, the twelve car- dinals, in whose hands the affair rested, adopted the following account, which was approved by the * Notre Dame del Pilar.

Sacred Congregation of Rites on the 7th of August, 1723, and since inserted in the lessons of the office of the feast of our Lady del Pilar, celebrated on the 12th of October.

" Of all places which Spain offers to the veneration of the devout, the most illustrious is doubtless the sanctuary consecrated to God under the invocation of the Blessed Virgin, under the title of our Lady del Pilar, at Saragossa. " According to ancient and pious tradition, St. James the Greater, led by Providence into Spain, spent some time at Saragossa.* He there received a signal favour from the Blessed Virgin. As he was praying with his disciples one night, upon the banks of the Ebro, as the same tradition informs us, the Mother of God, who still lived, appeared to him, and commanded him to erect an oratory in that place.

" The apostle delayed not to obey this injunction, and with the assistance of his disciples soon constructed a small chapel. In the course of time a larger church was built and dedicated, which, with the dedication of St. Saviour's, is kept as a festival in the city and diocese of Saragossa on the 4th of October

Before the publication of this statement, Pope Calixtus III., in a bull dated 1456, had encouraged pilgrimages to our Lady del Pilar, acknowledged the miracles performed at her shrine, and the prodigy of its foundation. The popular legends, however, are much fuller than the one we have just given. They add that St. James, having visited Oviedo and other places, stopped for some time at Saragossa, where he increased the number of his disciples to such an extent that he assembled * Then called Caesar-Augusta. them every evening in a quiet spot on the banks of the Ebro, where he instructed them in the faith, and told them of the mysteries of the kingdom of God. When one evening, near midnight, the faithful who surrounded the holy apostle heard choirs of angels chanting Ave Maria gratia plena ; and at the same time they beheld, in the midst of the heavenly troop, the figure of a lady, of exquisite beauty, seated on a marble pillar. St. James, recognising the Mother of God, fell on his knees before her.

She* told him to erect a church on the spot where she appeared; and the marble pillar was allowed to remain as a testimony of the truth of the apparition. The apostle obeyed. A chapel was erected, and an image of the Blessed Virgin placed on the miraculous pillar, which still attracts the notice of pious pilgrims. Such is the tradition. The Blessed Virgin is represented erect with her Divine Son in her arms, who holds a dove in his hand.

The piety of the Spaniards afterwards erected a handsome church on this spot ; the ancient chapel now forms a crypt under the chancel. It is 36 feet long by 25 feet broad. Many believe it to be the original chapel ; but this is scarcely probable. It is splendidly decorated ; and though the wars in the early part of this century have despoiled it of a great portion of its wealth, it still remains a splendid sanctuary.*

* St. James returned from Spain to Jerusalem, where he was the first of the apostles to suffer martyrdom. It is said that he took with him some disciples from Spain who returned with his body to their native country. St. been a famous resort of pilgrims ; and there is no one who has not heard of Compostelo. The name of this city itself James is reverenced as the apostle of Spain, and has on many occasions specially protected that great Catholic country. The place where his relics are kept has long is a corruption of St. James the apostle. It was first called in Spanish Giacomo Apostolo, then Como Postolo, and finally Compostelo.

Among the many miracles which have been obtained by the intercession of the Blessed Virgin in her chapel at Saragossa, the following is perhaps the most remarkable and the most astonishing. We also are guided in our selection by the many proofs and testimonies which are attached to it, and to its being given by the Bollandists, whose learning and critical acumen we suppose no one will deny.

" The miracle we are about to record happened in our own time. It occurred to a young man who recovered the use of a leg through the intercession of our Lady of the Pillar.

" His name was Michael Pellicer. His parents were poor people of Calanda, in Arragon ; but he worked with one of his uncles in Valencia. At the age of nineteen, he fell from a cart, heavily laden with corn ; and the wheel passed over his right leg, which was broken. This happened in the year 1638. " The uncle and nephew being both poor, the wounded man was taken to the hospital at Valencia. Several remedies were applied to the broken limb without success. As he grew worse, they yielded to his entreaties to be taken to the great hospital at Saragossa, where his devotion to our Lady of the Pillar led him to hope for succour.

" Before entering the ward, he begged to be laid in the subterranean chapel before our Lady's venerated image. Suffering as he was, he made his confession, heard mass, and received the holy communion. He then, with perfect resignation, was conveyed to the hospital, and placed under the care of Dr. John D'Estranga, a surgeon of great eminence at that time.

" This surgeon was alarmed at the sight of his patient's leg, and instantly declared there was no hope, save in amputation. The leg was accordingly cut off a little below the knee, and the dead limb buried.

"Michael Pellicer thought that it had not pleased our Lady to heal him, and that he merited his sufferings, which he endured with the greatest patience and submission to the will of God. During the painful operation, the only exclamations heard to escape his lips were fervent aspirations to his dear Patroness — our Blessed Lady, whom he most tenderly loved. When the amputation was over, and the part bound up, he went on crutches to our Lady's shrine, and returned thanks for the strength given him to undergo the operation. While engaged in prayer, feeling his wound sore, he thought of rubbing it with some of the oil of the lamp which hung before the image, but was told it would do him harm, unless a miracle changed its nature. He, however, still persisted in applying the oil to his leg. The wound healed, and he lived for two years in Saragossa, well known for his devotion to our Blessed Lady, at the entrance to whose chapel he received the alms of the people.

" In the beginning of the year 1640, a good canon, hearing that the poor cripple greatly desired to visit his parents, gave him a little mule. Michael Pellicer mounted it, and returned to Calanda. As he passed through the neighbouring villages, he received alms from the people, and visited the different churches.

" One evening after his return (it was the 29th of March), feeling very fatigued, he placed his crutches by the fireside, where his parents sat, and went to bed. At eleven o' clock, before re- tiring to her room, the mother went to see whether her son was asleep, or whether his fatigues had made him unwell. She rubbed her eyes with astonishment at the sight of two feet at the end of the bed, having left her son three hours ago with but one leg. She thought that it might be one of the soldiers, then quartered in the town, who had taken possession of her son's bed, and ran to call her husband.

" He uncovered the face, and instantly recognised his son in the sleeping man. The noise of their movements awoke Michael, who exclaimed :

" ' Oh, why did you awaken me from so sweet a dream, and so beautiful a sight ? I was in the holy chapel of our Lady of the Pillar, and there, in the presence of my dear Protectress, two angels restored to me my lost leg in recompense for my persevering confidence in the Mother of my Lord.’

" ' Give thanks to God and our Lady, my dear son,’ cried both parents; 'you have not had a vain dream, for your leg is indeed restored to you.’

"Michael Pellicer was yet ignorant of the miracle which had been wrought upon him ; but he sprang out of bed, and the neighbours, hearing the cries of joy, ran in, and joining the good parents in their wish to render thanks for the miracle, conducted the young man in triumph to the church. " A singular circumstance was attached to this miraculous cure, and which it would seem to baffle the reasoning of the incredulous — the restored leg was reversed. Was it to afford another trial of the young man's faith? Was it a sign that certain extraordinary favours are only completed in the sanctuary? Was it to make the miracle more manifest? However we may judge, so it was. As soon as Michael Pellicer had prostrated him- self at the foot of our Lady's altar, and poured forth, in company with the rector, a fervent prayer, and while the people sung the Salve Regina, the leg turned to its proper position; and he rose and stood firm on both legs, who the day before could not move six steps without the aid of his crutches.

" Many of his friends accompanied him to Saragossa, where he went to return thanks in the chapel of our Lady of the Pillar. The miracle was juridically examined, and all the facts connected with it were attested by many witnesses, and authenticated by notaries, professors, and surgeons. A bright red line appeared round the leg, and remained there during the life of Pellicer. The miracle was authentically published on the 27th of April, 1641, by the Archbishop of Saragossa."

Our Lady of the Pillar

Columbus and Queen Isabella

John A. Mooney.
IN the splendid tributes I have quoted from the works of the eminent Bishop of Chiapa, his admiration and affection for Columbus were eloquently set forth. A man of extraordinary virtue, of rare acquirements, of remarkable talent, chosen of God, and directing all his work, especially, to the honor of God; a man who performed the most wonderful achievements amid the most incredible trials,—such a man is the Columbus of Las Casas. With his warm heart and just soul, the Dominican could not help admiring the heroic Discoverer. The affection of Las Casas was no less deep than his admiration, as his own words frequently testify. One passage, more than all the others, in the Historia, evidences the sympathy of the Bishop with the Admiral.

Completing his narrative of the life of Columbus, Las Casas relates the sad story of the great man's death; one of the most affecting stories recorded in history. As, in his imagination, the ardent Dominican reconstructed the scene, and looked upon the worn body of the benefactor of two worlds, upon the few faithful friends, upon the mean pallet, and the penury of the hired lodging, he could not restrain his feelings. A moment he waited, until the high soul had flown up to the Infinite that alone could satisfy its sublime aspirations. Then Las Casas penned these words: "And thus passed from this life, in a condition of extreme misery and bitter affliction, and, as he said, without a roof under which he might rest his body, or protect it from the elements, the man who by his own industry had discovered a new and more felicitous world than the one of which we had a knowledge before. He died dispossessed and despoiled of the estate and honor that he had earned by such immense and incredible dangers, toilings, and travail, despoiled ignominiously, without the form of law, having been fettered, imprisoned without a hearing, without a conviction, without an accusation, without an opportunity to plead a defense, as if those who judged him were people devoid of reason, foolish, stupid, absurd, and worse than brutal barbarians."'

To all young women and young men who are culturing themselves, I commend these words of Las Casas. Remembering them no one shall ever feel the want of becoming epithets when passing a verdict on the criminals who are managing the: Case Against Columbus. The Spaniards dispossessed and despoiled a living man. Their American kinsmen of our day would rob the illustrious dead; rob him of the honor earned by such immense labors done in the face of incredible dangers; rob him lawlessly. And if those who despoiled Columbus living, deserved to be called mad, foolish, stupjid, absurd, shall we hesitate to qualify the men who would dishonor his grave, as: "worse than brutal barbarians!"

These " translated parts of Las Casas," are indicative of the frankness of his manner when dealing with injustice. Though a historian, he is no mere recorder of facts. Always a jurist and a theologian, he is, at the same time, a teacher of morality. The learned Dominican's conclusions on the subject of slavery, many non-Catholics and many unbelievers have accepted, but -not one of them dare accept his principles. His method, as I have already hinted, is thorough and exacting. Denouncing all acts that he considered illicit or immoral, he also condemned every person who participated, however remotely, in these acts. Nor did he stop there; as I shall illustrate by stating the scope of his judgment on Columbus. Reviewing his career, Las Casas insists that several of the Admiral's acts were illicit. The Admiral was in good faith, he had a " holy intention," he did not know the law; so Las Casas firmly believes. However, he questions whether the Admiral's ignorance was always invincible. If for these illicit acts he did not deserve punishment hereafter, Las Casas inclined to the opinion that Columbus deserved to be punished for them in this world. Indeed, Las Casas thought he saw the hand of God inflicting punishment on the Admiral. His imprisonment, poverty, loss of honors, loss of health, were, according to the learned Dominican, so many Providential chastisements. These views, no one is bound to accept; and there are many who do not accept them. An acquaintance with them is, nevertheless, desirable and indeed necessary to a right understanding of the works of Las Casas, and of his judgments on men and affairs.

1 Coleccion de documentos indditos para la historia de Espafia, vol. lxiv„ p. 195

The policy adopted by Ferdinand and Isabella in dealing with the Caribs, and with the other Indians who warred against the Spanish colonists, did not commend itself to Las Casas. On his first landing in the New World, Columbus formed a most favorable opinion of the Indians he fell in with. They were the mildest, the gentlest of people, he thought. Guacanagari, a most friendly cacique, told him, though, of some bad Indians, the Caribas, who attacked the good Indians, carried them off, abused them, and even ate them. Columbus heard of these savage people regretfully and indignantly, and promised that his mighty masters would punish them and subdue them. In the letter to Sanchez, and in the diary of the first voyage, the Admiral records what he has heard about these cannibals; and he also relates his experience with them at Samana. On the second voyage, he discovered the Caribee islands, Ayay, Turuqueira, and Ceyre, and convinced himself that the Caribs were barbarous cannibals, a combative and ferocious race. "Their arms were bows and arrows pointed with the bones of fishes, or shells of tortoises, and poisoned with the juice of a certain herb. They made descents upon the islands, ravaged the villages, carried off the youngest and handsomest of the women, whom they retained as servants or companions, and made prisoners of the men, to be killed and eaten."' With the Caribs, the Admiral had more than one encounter, and, having captured several of the savages, he carried them off to Navidad.

A couple of months after his arrival at Navidad, he sent home twelve caravels, under Antonio de Torres. (Feb. 2d, 1494.) The captive Caribs were shipped at the same time. To De Torres, the Admiral committed a Memorial, dated Jan. 30th, 1494, addressed to Ferdinand and Isabella. In this Memorial he stated in detail, the condition and the needs of the colony, and he made certain suggestions and requests. In two clauses of this important document, the Admiral submits a plan for the spiritual and social improvement of the Caribs. Every biographer of Columbus refers to these two clauses, though very few writers present a fair summary of his words. Without translating each word of the Admiral, I shall try to give both the sense and the spirit of his language. The Memorial is composed in the form of a letter of instruction to De Torres.

1 Irving, vol. i., p. 376.

In the first of the two clauses, the Admiral writes: 'You (De Torres) will say to their Highnesses that as there is no language here, by means of which the Indians can be instructed in our holy Faith, as their Highnesses desire, and as we also desire, we send, on these vessels, several cannibal men, women, boys and girls. Their Highnesses can put these cannibals out at service, under persons competent to teach them our language, and little by little place them under those who will be more careful with them than with other slaves. As the cannibals learn to speak and to understand Spanish very slowly, they will learn more quickly in Spain than here, and will be better interpreters between us and the native Indians. There is very little communication between these islands, and hence there are differences between the language of one and another island; and, because the cannibal islands are larger and more populous, the opinion here is that it could only be good to capture cannibal men and women, and to send them to Castille, for, in this way they would be cured at once of their inhuman custom of eating men, and besides, having learned our language in Castille, they could receive Baptism more speedily, thus advantaging their souls. Furthermore, as the peaceable Indians suffer loss through these cannibals, and indeed fear them so much that they are terrified at the sight of a single man-eater, our people would acquire great credit if we captured these cannibals and made them prisoners of war. The people of all the islands, seeing the kind treatment that the good receive, and the punishment inflicted on the bad, will quickly become so obedient that they may be ruled as the vassals of their Highnesses, and, in due time, wherever a man may be found, all will do, not only what we desire, but, of their own motion, they will do what they know would please us.'

As our readers know, the Memorial committed by the Admiralto De Torres, reached the Sovereigns, who considered it most carefully, clause by clause. They answered the Memorial, not by a special letter, but by inscribing, on the margin of the Memorial, their will and pleasure concerning each particular suggestion or request made by the Admiral. This document, as annotated by the Sovereigns, was remitted to Columbus. The text of the Memorial, and of the royal instructions, has been preserved, fortunately. Thus we know the answer of Ferdinand and Isabella to the suggestions offered in the clause above translated. I quote the words of their Highnesses: "Tell him what has been done in the matter of the cannibals that came here. This is very good, and thus he should do, except that he may manage there, as it may be possible, that they are converted to our holy Catholic Faith, and in like manner let him manage with the inhabitants of the islands where he is.”

This answer of Ferdinand and Isabella, as well as the proposal of Columbus, are generally slurred by the biographers, who hasten to the second clause, which affords them an opportunity of expressing regret or indignation, and of composing rhetorical sentences on the " rights of man " and on the inhuman bigotry of the Spaniards, and indeed of the Catholic Church; a bigotry very natural before the sweet spirit of Reformation breathed " peace and progress " over the surface of the whole world. To me, the first clause of the Memorial, and the Sovereigns' response, are as noteworthy as the second clause and the answer thereto. Before examining the text of the clause and of the answer already quoted, I shall give a free rendering of the second of the two clauses, with which we are concerned. Thus it reads:

'You (De Torres) will say to their Highnesses, that the notion of serving the souls of the cannibals, as well as of the peaceable Indians, has suggested the thought that the more of the cannibals sent to Spain, the better it would be for them, and also for their Highnesses. Considering the number of cattle, beasts of burden, and agricultural instruments, needed here for the sustenance of both Spaniards and Indians, a sufficient number of caravels could be licensed by their Highnesses to carry these things here, every year, and to sell them at regular prices. The cannibal slaves could be exchanged for them. These cannibals are bold. well proportioned and of fair understanding, and, if redeemed from their inhuman habits, would, we think, make better slaves than any other. As soon as they would be removed from here, they should lose their inhuman habits. A trust-worthy man should be placed on each caravel, and he should see that the vessel landed at Hispaniola, and nowhere else. Their Highnesses could collect their customs-duties on the slaves thus taken to Spain. You (De Torres) will bring, or send, an answer an to this matter, for here the necessary dispositions may be made with more confidence, if their Highnesses should think well of the affair.'

Opposite to this clause of the Memorial, the Sovereigns of Spain wrote: "In this matter let it be delayed for the present until another transport comes from there, and the Admiral writes what he thinks on the subject.'"

Slurring the first of these two clauses, the biographers avoid the answer of the Sovereigns to that clause; and, distorting the meaning of the royal answer to the second clause, the biographers, conferring no compliment on Ferdinand and Isabella, do an injustice to Columbus. While the import of the words of the Sovereigns was not fully apprehended by Mr. Helps, he is far from being as incorrect in his estimate of the Admiral's proposal, as Mr. Irving was. "Among the many sound and salutary suggestions in his letter," Mr. Irving says, "there is one of a most pernicious tendency, written in that mistaken view of natural rights prevalent at the day, but fruitful of much wrong and misery in the world."' Mr. Helps thinks that the arguments of Columbus are weighty. "It must be allowed," he says " that they have much force in them, and it may be questioned whether many of those persons who, in these days, are the strongest opponents of slavery, would then have had that perception of the impending danger of its introduction which Los Reyes appear to have entertained from their answer to this part of the document.”

1 Navarrete, Coleccion de los Viages, vol. i., pp. 231-233.
'The life and Voyages. Hudson Edition. Vol. i., p. 421.
* The Conquerors of the New World and their Bondsmen. London, 1848. Vol. i., p. 121.

And now let us examine the text of the Memorial and of the answer of the Sovereigns. Columbus, in the first clause, informs the King and Queen of his sending cannibals to them. Placing them under good masters, and treating them better than other slaves, these cannibals, he thinks, will learn the Spanish language, become civilized, and, returning to their own country, aid in converting the Indians, good and bad. As to the cannibals, they are an inhuman people, who terrify the peaceable Indians and violate the laws of nature. If the Spaniards captured them and made them prisoners of war, the new country would be benefited, pacified, and the good Indians would be grateful to those who punished the bad Indians according to their deserts.

Dismissing the details of the proposition contained in this first clause, let us consider the real question submitted to the Sovereigns through De Torres: Do your Highnesses favor the policy of capturing the cannibals here, and of making slaves of them, utilizing them first in Spain, and afterwards, in the New World? Such is the question the Sovereigns had to consider and to answer; and there is nothing indefinite about the answer. First: they retained the cannibals brought over by De Torres, and they employed these cannibals as slaves. Secondly: they approved the proposal to capture the cannibals and to treat them as prisoners of war. As to transporting them to Spain, the Sovereigns offered no objection. They affirmed their desire for the conversion of all the Indians, and left it to the Admiral to effect the conversion of the cannibals, and of the other Indians, according to circumstances. The answer to the first clause authorized Columbus to make slaves of the cannibals, and, if he preferred, to retain them as slaves in the New World. Thus cannibal slavery, at least, would have been introduced into the Indies; not at the suggestion of Columbus, but by the express direction of the Sovereigns.

In the second clause, Columbus added nothing to the proposal made in the first clause, except the outline of a plan by which the affair could be systematized, and effected in an orderly and profitable manner. Did the Sovereigns evidence an extraordinary "perception of an impending danger," as Mr. Helps imagined? No! Did the Sovereigns protest, condemn, resent, forbid? How could they! Answering the first clause, they had applauded the idea of capturing the cannibals, and of making slaves of them. They favored a plan to retain them in the New World as slaves. Responding to the second clause, where Columbus suggested the details of a scheme, under which the cannibals would be transported to Spain, methodically, the Sovereigns were non-committal. As to this detailed scheme, said Ferdinand and Isabella, we prefer to decide nothing until the Admiral writes his opinion of the matter in a second letter.

In his far-reaching argument against the Spanish policy in the New World, Las Casas attacked the crown, deliberately, as we have said. However, he was always most careful to excuse Isabella, on account of her goodness of heart, her piety and her conscientiousness. Following him, many biographers of Columbus, though repudiating the argument of Las Casas, condemn the Admiral and excuse the Queen. Isabella needs no apologist. The policy she adopted, in dealing with the cannibal slaves—a policy followed by Columbus,—was a conscientious policy, a lawful and just policy; a policy continued by her successors because they were advised of its legality and justice. Columbus did not directly ask the Crown to send him a juridical opinion as to whether he could lawfully make slaves of the cannibals. He assumed that their enslavement would be licit. Still it was this very question that the Sovereigns were compelled first to consider; and their decision was in the affirmative. Had they not put their decision in writing, their retention of the cannibals delivered to them by De Torres would have been a practical decision of the matter.

Mr. Irving was troubled about the "pernicious tendency" of the proposal of Columbus, and indulged in the hackneyed and laughable cant about " the mistaken view of natural rights prevalent in the fifteenth century." I would wager that Queen Isabella could have taught Mr. Irving more sound doctrine about natural rights than he acquired during his sojourn in the world of the nineteenth century.

Habitually, when criticising the policy inaugurated by the Spanish sovereigns, and applied to the cannibals, the biographers of Columbus write, " knowingly," of an opinion current in the days of Ferdinand and Isabella, to the effect that: Christians had a right to enslave all infidels. Among the uninstructed such an opinion may have been common, but the Spanish Crown did not base its policy on this mistaken view. The Crown acted in accordance with the Law of Nations. This law of nations is not a fixed and immutable law. According to times and circumstances it has varied, as it will vary. Thanks to Las Casas, we have acquired a knowledge of the provisions of this law, in regard to slavery, at the end of the fifteenth century, and during the sixteenth century. Through capture in a just war, a just title could be acquired to a slave. Still, among Christian nations, this title was no longer recognized, because, through the influence of the Catholic Church, the Christian powers had been induced to give up the custom of enslaving prisoners. The title acquired in a just war was, nevertheless, recognized, where a Christian power was warring against a nation that still persisted in making slaves of prisoners. During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the only nations that enslaved Christian captives were the infidel nations; and consequently the only slaves captured by the Christian nations were infidels. The Christians did not enslave infidels because they were infidels, but because the infidels enslaved Christian captives. The right of the Christian was based on the law of just retaliation. The Moors and Saracens enslaved the Christians whom they captured in war, and treated them most barbarously. Very justly, the Christians, in return, compensated themselves for the losses and injuries they suffered through the enslavement of their Christian countrymen, and through the barbarities practised upon them.

Mr. Irving, like some recent writers of more pretension, abused the term: "natural rights." This term is comprehensive, and includes rights appertaining, at least, to all men who respect natural rights. Christian men have rights no less natural than the rights of infidels. Civilized men have rights that are as natural, and therefore as imperative, as the rights of savages. When Ferdinand and Isabella took possession of the Indies, through Columbus, they assumed a sovereignty over the new world. All the inhabitants thereof became their vassals. Among these inhabitants, the Sovereigns found many who were peaceable; and some who were unruly. Of the unruly, the Caribs were the more notable. They warred, as they willed, on the peaceable Indians,ravished their wives and daughters, enslaved men and women, and inhumanly killed and ate those that pleased them. For the Spaniards, the Caribs had no more respect than they had for the good Indians. The "natural rights" of their peaceable vassals, the Sovereigns were bound to protect. They could have no hesitation about warring on the Caribs; and there was no reason, founded in nature, why Ferdinand and Isabella should have hesitated to enslave the savages who not only made slaves of those they captured, but who also killed their captives, and ate those who were tender enough to gratify a "self-cultured " Carib palate. From Mr. Irving, I have quoted a passage in which it is said that, among other inhuman practices, the Caribs were guilty of the inhumanity of fighting with poisoned arrows. By itself, this unnatural habit outlawed them. In the fifteenth century the use of poisoned weapons was forbidden to Christians, under pain of excommunication; and this penalty applied even in a just war against infidels. By the law of the Catholic Church, to-day, a Catholic soldier firing a poisoned bullet, is ipso facto excommunicated. Sympathy with the " natural right " of the inhuman Caribs, is sympathy wasted. In this year of grace, if a Christian nation found any of its subjects threatened by man-eaters, who fought with poisoned weapons, it is more than probable that, warring against these savages, the commanders of the Christian army would kill every captive. Indeed, a tender-hearted General, following the example of the English in India during the revolt of the Sepoys, might be tempted to blow the cannibal outlaws to pieces, at the cannon's mouth. The Sepoys were not cannibals. Our contemporary rhetoric may be more humane than that of the fifteenth century, but we have not forgotten, in practice, to temper humanitarianism with exemplary "justice."

Under the circumstances, the proposal of Columbus and the decision of the Spanish Sovereigns, were prudent and gentle. There is no word of exterminating the Caribs; no word of punishing them with severity. On the contrary, every word of the Admiral and of the kings, is charitable. As a civilizing measure, especially, is the slavery of the Indians considered; a measure through which they should be freed from their inhuman habits, civilized, accustomed to law, instructed in the language of Castille and, finally, converted to the holy Catholic Faith. Civilized and converted, the former cannibals would return to their own land to assist in civilizing and converting the native Indians. Neither the King, nor the Queen, nor Columbus, need an apology for their mild policy toward the Caribs.

Isabella was a true Queen. She permitted none of her subjects to entertain a doubt concerning her opinion and decision as to the policy to be followed in dealing with the inhuman cannibals. Three years after Columbus had been unjustly and ignominiously deposed from the governorship of the Indies, the Queen, with her own hand, instructed De Lares in words that admit of no misunderstanding. Under the date of October 30th, 1503, she wrote that: "Being advised that Indians called cannibals war on the Christians, continually, and have done them much injury, and are, as they have been, hardened in their evil purposes, she grants license and privilege to all persons whomsoever to oppose these cannibals. Every one may and should capture the cannibals and carry them away from their lands and islands, and may and should bring them into Her Kingdoms and Seignories, and into any other parts and places whatsoever, as the captors will or prefer, paying to the Crown the share that belongs to it; and the captors may sell the cannibals and employ them profitably, without thereby incurring any penalty whatsoever; because, if the Christians transport them from those parts, and make use of them, the cannibals can be more easily converted and attracted to the holy Catholic Faith."'

From this document, it is evident that, when Ferdinand and Isabella, answering the second clause of the Memorial sent by Columbus in the care of De Torres, delayed their decision until the Admiral should write more at length, neither the King nor the Queen was shocked at the suggestion of Columbus that the cannibals might be exchanged for cattle, or for agricultural implements. By the letter of 1503, anybody and everybody is licensed to sell the Caribs, and to make slaves of them. Nor was the delay of the Crown, in 1494, due to any hesitation on the part of the King, or of the Queen, to profit by laying cusloms-duties on the transported cannibals. The letter of October 30th, 1503, especially reserves to the Crown its legal share of the proceeds of all sales of cannibal slaves. The policy of the Spanish Sovereigns was based on the Law of Nations. Let those who will, compose phrases about "mistaken views of natural law!" The Caribs were outlaws, by the Law of Nations, and indeed by the natural law.'

1 Navarrete, Coleccion de los Viages, vol. ii., p. 416'

In his works, as we have already stated, Las Casas presented his views on slavery as it existed in the Indies and on slavery in general. That a slave could be held by a good title, he acknowledged. The titles recognized by Las Casas were those accepted by the Law of Nations, and by the Canon Law. The title by purchase from a lawful owner was good; and so was the title by birth. The child of a legal slave, became a slave. The title acquired in a just war, the Bishop of Chiapa recognized. And, among just wars, he counted one licitly undertaken in the interest of Christianity. Our Lord and Saviour commissioned His Apostles to teach all nations. Under this commission, the Apostles, and their duly appointed successors, acquired a right to teach the Faith to all nations. Where they will, among the infidels, those holding Christ's commission have a right to preach the Gospel. Arms, they cannot bring with them. Their work is, eminently, a work of peace. Still, no one may forcibly oppose the peaceable missionaries of Christ. The infidel may reject the Faith; but he may not oppress, or violently impede the appointed teachers of the Faith. Infidel oppressors of the missionaries of the Gospel, could be justly attacked by a Christian nation. The Saviour of the world had rights. His Church retains them.'

A war against infidels, who, with arms in their hands, refused to hear the voice of the ministers of Christ, was a just war. So Las Casas held; and held only because the law was on his side. Now, though Ferdinand and Isabella did not formally declare war against the Caribs on the sole ground that they persecuted the appointed teachers of the Gospel, the answer of the Sovereigns to Columbus, in 1494, and the letter of Isabella to De Lares, in 1503, show that the Spanish King and Queen were influenced by the savage resistance of the Caribs to the peaceable introduction of the Christian religion. A further proof of this fact is afforded by the instructions given by Cardinal Ximenes to the Jeronimites, in the year 1516.'

To the illustrious Dominican, Ximenes was most friendly. He was opposed to the enslavement of the peaceable Indians. Las Casas received from him the firmest support, as the writer of the Historia de Las lndias gratefully acknowledges. The Jeronimites were sent to the Indies, by Ximenes, in order to correct the abuses of which Las Casas complained. Instructing the Jeronimites as to the policy they should pursue, the Cardinal set forth the traditions of the policy of the Crown toward the inhuman Caribs. It is from Las Casas that we quote the following "Remedy," approved by the great Ximenes. "The colonists will be much benefited if his Highness gives them caravels, properly equipped, so that the colonists themselves may go and capture the Caribs, who eat men and are an intractable people; and they are slaves because they have been unwilling to receive the preachers, and because they molest the Christians and those who are converted to our holy faith, and kill them and eat them; and because, sharing among themselves those that they capture, they make slaves of them; but under cover of capturing the Caribs, the colonists may not go to the other islands nor to the terra firma, nor capture those who dwell there, under penalty of death and of loss of property."''

In this short passage we have a complete explication of the reasons that determined the royal policy. The Caribs were cannibals; they attacked the Spaniards and the peaceful Indians; they made slaves of those they captured; and, in addition, they impeded the peaceful mission of the preachers. According to the Law of Nations, a war on the Caribs was a just war; and, by the same law, the captive Caribs were justly enslaved. The Crown had not merely the Law of Nations to support it, but also the Law of Nature.'

Las Casas, it is true, contested the truth of the fact, accepted by Ximenes, that the Caribs were unwilling to receive the preachers. The charitable Dominican claimed that, up to the year 1516, the Caribs did not know a preacher from any one else; and that 1 Coleccion, etc., para la Historia de Espana, vol. lxv.. p. 307. they had resisted, not the preachers, but wicked Spaniards, whom' they had always found to be cruel highwaymen.' His claim,: however, did not avail, though it was considered by Cardinal Ximenes and by the Council he selected to study the affairs of the Indies.

1 Coleccion, etc., para la Historia de Espana, vol. lxv.. p. 307.

Mr. Irving, and, following him, some less competent biographers, pretend to doubt the testimony adduced in proof of the cannibalism of the Caribs. The author of the " Life and Voyages" thought that " many of the pictures given us of this extraordinary race of people have been colored by the fears of the Indians and the prejudices of the Spaniards." Certain signs were misapprehended by the Admiral and his men. Imagination, and not reason, influenced them to form a baseless opinion that the Caribs were man-eaters. Mr. Irving's imagination led him astray. Columbus made no mistake. Mr. John Fiske states the truth, tersely. "The prevalence of cannibalism," he says, " not only in these islands, but throughout a very large part of aboriginal America, has been abundantly proved." * The argument by which Las Casas defined, limited, the title of the Spanish Sovereigns, in the New World, is logical, powerful. Neither Spain, however, nor any other nation, has accepted the premisses, or the conclusion of the great Dominican's argument. Discovery and occupation have been recognized, invariably, as founding a title of sovereignty. Under the title acquired, through the discovery and occupation by Columbus, the kings of Spain proceeded to exercise a sovereignty over the New World. The Indians were their vassals, having rights that the Crown was bound to protect, and duties that the Crown was bound to enforce. To life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, the new vassals had a right. And it was to protect and defend the lives, the liberties and the happiness of their loyal and peaceful vassals, that the kings of Spain pursued and punished the Caribs. These barbarians were punished in accordance with law; not Spanish law, but universal law. The Caribs were marauders; they fought with poisoned weapons; they made slaves of their captives and ate the flesh of those they murdered. In the interest of peace, of humanity, of civilization, the Caribs were, in turn, enslaved Thus I sum up the argument for the Crown; an argument that cannot be refuted by phrases intended to excite the false sympathies of the uneducated.

1 Coleccion, etc., para la Historia de Espana, vol. lxv., p. 310. 'The Discovery of America, vol. i., p. 465, note.

The insignificant part played by Columbus in this transaction, demonstrates the ignorance or the malice of those who charge him with criminality. In the Memorial of 1494, he made a suggestion to the Sovereigns. He had no authority to adopt or enforce any policy; nor did he attempt to usurp an authority vested in the Crown alone. Ferdinand and Isabella adopted a policy, in 1494. The Caribs were pursued and enslaved, under the authority of the King and the Queen, and of no one else. The policy, formed by the Crown, was deliberately continued. Three years after the despoliation of Columbus, the Queen affirms and extends the policy introduced in 1494; and ten years after the Admiral's death, this same policy is reaffirmed. Whether the policy were just or unjust, it was not a policy of Columbus, but it was a policy of the Spanish Sovereigns. Their treatment of the Admiral in this affair enforces more strongly the position I maintained in a previous article. The Admiral was the subject of the Crown. He was a quasi-governor, not a king. What the Sovereigns ordered or permitted, he could do. On the Sovereigns, he was wholly dependent. If, instead of being licit, the policy of enslaving the cannibals had been illicit, the Crown would deserve condemnation. The Crown, not Columbus, made law for the Indies. "I have now reached the point," said the Discoverer of the New World, in his letter to Dona Juana de la Torre, "where there is no man, however vile, but thinks it his right to insult me. Still the day will come when the world will reckon it a virtue in him who has not consented to their abuse.“ That day has come. To-day we attribute no great virtue to one who defends a good man against insult or misrepresentation. Fairness and manliness are not extraordinary virtues. Lying and cowardice are nevertheless, contemptible vices. Those guilty of them publicly, deserve public punishment. Dealing with the vile, one may appeal to the law of just retaliation. How much better are they, than " brutal barbarians”'

Columbus and the Cannibals


Discovery of Americas

John A. Mooney.
In the October number of "Self Culture," a " Magazine of Knowledge," published at Chicago, in the interest of the " Home University League," some unnamed person prints an article entitled: "Columbus - An Historical Estimate." Having read the article, I have no hesitation in saying that the writer is one of the most dangerous of the Western manipulators of " self-culture." Solemnly do I warn all the members of the " Home University League" against him; cautioning them, that, if they do not guard their magazine of knowledge, by day and by night, he will blow it sky-high. And let me suggest that all the Home guards be men liberally educated.

Though he is alarmingly self-cultured, I can see that the writer of the " Historical Estimate " studied English under a Master; and this master was either Justin Winsor, to whose unique talent I have tried to do justice;1 or else the master was an honor-man of the Winsorian school of Style.

From the first sentence to the last, we note the pleasing, euphonious, nonsensical, and illiterate language of the Master. We read of one: " supplying an effective correction " ; of " Columbian views of history "; of " the public at large in connection with the World's Fair "; of " the proper celebration of four-hundred years of America "; of " statements that were alarmingly off the mark of truth or even of actual recital." I know of but one school in the United States where a pupil may learn to write thus, barbarously; it is the "alarmingly off" school of Justin Winsor.

In order to do full justice to the modest pupil of the Master, I shall detach a gem or two from the bejewelled pages of "Self Culture." Here is a literary diamond of the first water:
"He (Columbus) contrived to cut a great figure, but he is found, when the facts are properly considered, to have been a great man in no real and true sense, and to have been a good man only after the fashion of professions which were no restraint upon a full measure of the worst passions of the human animal."

1. American Cath. Quarterly Review, Oct. 1802. ,

In this glowing parure, I discover only one flaw; and it is only a tiny little flaw. Remove the gem on which are inscribed the words: "a full measure"; insert another gem with the words: "a half peck," and you have a thing of beauty; one that will everlastingly " contrive to cut a great figure." You cannot make sense out of the stuff! My dear and misfortunate Sir, the Winsorites do not print sense; they polish diamonds of illiteracy, and jewel unintelligent thoughts that are " alarmingly off."

One other precious gemlet of the Self-Culturer invites inspection:

"It seems, therefore, not amiss to get carefully into shape for student-readers the evidence on which what may be called the Case Against Columbus rests, and will forever rest." The dear, dainty thing it is! "Not amiss to get carefully into shape "; how nice! "The evidence on which what." O Master Winsor! thy pupil hath almost excelled thee; and, like thee, he shall" contrive to cut a great figure" in the "Whichwhat " literature, of which thou art the student-founder!

From these few specimens of " Whichwhat" English, my readers can form an estimate of the culture and capacity of the writer of the article on " Columbus," in the Magazine of Knowledge. Nor would the article deserve closer examination, were it not for the intelligent interest we have in the " Home University League." Only a heartless student could be silent, seeing the risk the Leaguers run of becoming "Whichwhaters" in history, as well as in literature.

To aid the " League " in forming an estimate of the Discoverer of America, the artificer of the article on " Columbus," quotes a certain Dr. Charles Parkhurst, " who has achieved distinction by his unflinching pulpit work." This gentleman, it is said, used the following language about Columbus:

"I think him the most consummate liar that I have ever found in the history of the country. He made lying a fine art, and practised it all his life. I do not say this because he was a Roman Catholic, but because he professed to be so profoundly religious, when, as a matter of fact he was very far from a saint. You can study his whole life, and you will find that it was one of fabrication and greed for gold. He not only lied himself, (the Doctor is a whichwhater!) to Ferdinand and Isabella, but he compelled his crew to lie also. Lying was not his worst trait either, for he was the first to establish slavery in America, which cursed the new country for centuries. He was not a benefactor, for all that he did was for gold. He would not sail on his voyage until he was made an admiral by the king and received a promise of fabulous remuneration."

After the self-cultured Dr. Charles F. Parkhurst, the historian of "Self Culture," appeals to "Hon. Charles Francis Adams, whose views occasioned the Boston Transcript to say that Mr. Adams said:

"Columbus brought with him the Inquisition, persecution and that greed for gold that brought with it so many misfortunes. Columbus was a bigot. Columbus was visionary America would have been better to have delayed that discovery one hundred years."

As if the "Columbian views " of these two speechmakers were not all-sufficient, the Chicago word-artist informs us that:

"Dr. Poole, the eminent scholar-librarian of Chicago, in two or three important articles, made clear that learning cannot accord Columbus the praise of either remarkable greatness, or what would now be considered respectable goodness."

With a peculiar delicacy, the name of Mr. Justin Winsor is introduced at the end of the "Whichwhater's" list of historical authorities. The pupil's opinion of the Master may be gathered from the following quotations:

"Mr. Winsor's admirable " Life of Columbus" left but one thing to be desired - a more exact sentence upon the criminal on trial in his honest and learned pages The truth is that Mr. Winsor notably spares Columbus, and puts into the picture touches which concede to the popular conception somewhat more than the severest regard for truth permits... It is more than just to recognize Columbus as " the conspicuous developer of a great world movement," and " the embodiment of the ripened aspirations of his time." This honor belongs elsewhere. Columbus embodied only a corrupt and degraded form of the aspirations which were the glory of the age of discovery, and the world-movement was conspicuously marred, damaged and demoralized by the hand which he put upon it." "Columbus... was a curse to America rather than a benefactor, and a miserable fraud, a wretched failure as a discoverer." ..." Of genius for any high task, Columbus had none. The most sadly definable thing in him was the air not of authority, but of pretension, which savored more of the crank than the scientist, and for great parts of his conduct and utterances suggests a mind almost or quite off its balance. The movement in hand when he " paced his decks" would have ended far better if he had gone down with his "crazy little ships," and his crazy scheme of westward greed, which was a seed of sin and shame without a parallel, through more than three centuries of Spanish lust for gain from the new world."

I shall never tell any one, but deep down in my soul, I believe Justin Winsor is the confectioner of every word I have quoted, and indeed of every word of the article in "Self Culture." But if I am in error, Heaven help our dear mother-tongue! a second conspicuous "marrer," damager and demoralizer, has put his hand upon that tongue, and he will wring, twist, wrench and maul it, unfeelingly and interminably, unless the "world-movement" should, considerately, throw him " almost or quite off the world balance," - a consummation devoutly to be wished for!

Were I to omit the closing paragraph of the unknown, photographic " developer " of the Magazine of Knowledge, my grateful duty would not be fulfilled. Here it is:

"Columbus, in fact, took on a citizenship which was the worst in Europe, and accepted the most evil fates under the banner of Spain. He did this in a kinship of his own spirit to the Spanish spirit. Of fairly large natural intelligence and quick perception, he yet had emotion rather than intellect, imagination rather than judgment and knowledge, and enthusiasms, flaming and wandering, rather than convictions well based and principles firmly held. A confident and determined visionary, indefinitely incapable of self-deception and delusion, of pious fraud and pious falsehood, he found his place with Spain at her worst, and achieved a mission, perhaps the worst for failure in success and shame amid glory, in all human history."

The " student-reader's " humor has been satisfied by these quotations. Therefore we may now seriously consider the historical estimate of Columbus, presented to the Home University League by the leaders of the " Whichwhat " school.

To form a thorough, and an independent estimate of the Discover of America, one must read studiously all the letters of Columbus, the diaries of his voyages, the grants conceded him by Isabella and Ferdinand, the grants conceded by the Papacy, the letters of the Sovereigns to him and to their agents, and the testimony adduced at the several trials in which his heirs were involved. These documents are the first in importance. After them, as contemporary sources, one must become familiar with the works of Andres Bernaldez, Peter Martyr, Oviedo, Las Casas, and the Historic referred to Fernando the son of Columbus. No complete and authentic English translation of these documents or works has been published. They must be consulted in the original Spanish, Italian or Latin.

Basing their conclusions on these documents and books, many learned men have discussed the character, the acquirements and the deeds of Columbus; and no conscientious student would presume to write about The Discoverer, without first perusing the volumes of Herrera, Mufioz, Navarrete, Von Humboldt, Irving, Major, De Lorgues, and Harrisse. The labor such a course of reading compels, must preclude even Home University Leaguers from forming a grounded, independent judgment on Columbus; and consequently the majority of men must be dependent on some writer who has fairly and thoroughly controlled all the sources, and all the critical studies of the sources; or on some writer, or talker, who has unfairly, unintelligently, uncritically, ignorantly scribbled or gabbled, when silence was most becoming.

In a list of educated, critical, intelligent and fair-minded students of Columbus, no self-respecting writer would place the name of Parkhurst, Adams, or Winsor. Do we mean to imply that they are not educated, fair-minded, intelligent or critical? Would we place them among the ignorant scribblers and gabblers? To these not improper questions, we prefer that our readers should answer, when they have estimated the testimony we shall here present, and the standing of our witnesses.

Mr. Prescott, though not a Roman Catholic, has been recognized as a historian of merit, who was sometimes truthful, and seldom visionary. From Vol. III., p. 244, of the "History of Ferdinand and Isabella." I quote Mr. Prescott's "historical estimate" of Columbus:

"Whatever were the defects of his mental constitution, the finger of the historian will find it difficult to point to a single blemish in his moral character. His correspondence breathes the sentiment of devoted loyalty to his sovereigns. His conduct habitually displayed the utmost solicitude for the interests of his followers. He expended his last maravedi in restoring his unfortunate crew to their native land. His dealings were regulated by the nicest principles of honor and justice. His last communication to the sovereigns from the Indies remonstrates against the use of violent measures in order to extract gold from the natives, as a thing equally scandalous and impolitic. The grand object to which he dedicated himself seemed to expand his whole soul, and raised it above the petty shifts and artifices, by which great ends are sometimes sought to be compassed. There are some men, in whom rare virtues have been closely allied, if not to positive vice, to degrading weakness. Columbus's character presented no such humiliating incongruity. Whether we contemplate it in its public or private relations, in all its features it wears the same noble aspect. It was in perfect harmony with the grandeur of his plans, and their results more stupendous than those which. Heaven has permitted any other mortal to achieve."1

Alexander von Humboldt was one of the most cultured men of this century. He had genius rather than talent. A sceptic and an infidel, if not an atheist, he had no love for the Catholic religion. His pursuits, as a naturalist and a geologist, interested him in The Discoverer of the New World. Not only did Von Humboldt familiarize himself with the documentary history of Columbus, but he sailed over the great Italian's course, and also trod in his footsteps. Thrice he published the results of his studies on the life and achievements of the Discoverer: in the " Essai politique sur l'isle de Cuba1 (Paris, 1826), in the "Examen critique de l'histoire de la Geographie du Nouveau Continent" (Paris, 1836); and in "Cosmos" (London, 1S48).

"Columbus is distinguished for his deep and earnest sentiment of religion," says Von Humboldt.' He was " endowed with a high intelligence, and with an invincible courage in adversity." He was eloquent, poetical; and the extent of his reading is astonishing. "What characterizes Columbus is the penetration and the extreme delicacy with which he seizes the phenomena of the exterior world. He is just as remarkable an observer of nature, as he is remarkable as an intrepid 'mariner."3.... "Columbus does not confine himself to gathering isolated facts; he combines them, he seeks their mutual relations, sometimes he rises boldly to the discovery of the general rules that govern the physical world. This tendency to generalize facts and observations is all the more worthy of attention, because, before the end of the 15th century, I might almost say, before Father Acosta, we see no other attempt at it."' Navigators, astronomers, geologists, geographers, commerce,

1 History of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, Boston, 1838; Vol. III., pp. 244-245 * Cosmos, Vol. II., p. 420. * Examen critique, Vol. III., p. 9. * Examen critique, Vol. III., p. 20.

"all the physical sciences," and philology, are indebted to Columbus, Von Humboldt says and proves1 by references to the writings and the doings of the Discoverer of the New World. Columbus " dominates his century," the learned German scientist declares: "The majesty of the great memories seems to be concentrated on the name of Christopher Columbus. It is the originality of his vast conception, the breadth and fecundity of his genius, the courage opposed to long misfortunes which have raised the Admiral above all his contemporaries." 1

What Columbus did for human science, Von Humboldt knew, and told. "He discovered a magnetic line without variation, and this discovery marks a memorable epoch in nautical astronomy.' The actual equatorial current, the movement of waters between the tropics, was first described by Columbus.'.... But not only had the Admiral the merit of finding the line without variation in the Atlantic, he remarked thereon ingeniously that the magnetic variation could be used, within certain limits, to determine the longitude of the vessel.*.. ..He discovered also the influence of longitude on the distribution of heat, following the same parallel." .... Columbus served the human race by offering it at the one time so many objects for reflection; he enlarged the mass of ideas; through him human thought progressed.'"

Mr. Clements R. Markham, like Von Humboldt, an educated, studious, observing traveller, and a writer of merit, holds, as he deserves to hold, a high place among living scientific men; and to-day, Mr. Markham honors the honorable office of President of the " Royal Geographical Society." He has written a short " Life of Christopher Columbus," which is, without exception, the fairest and the most instructive " Life " of the Discoverer, published in the English language." What estimate has Mr. Markham formed of the character and the achievements of the man who is described, by the " Whichwhater " of the " Self-Culturist," as a " criminal"1

"Columbus," Mr. Markham writes, "had a very active and imaginative brain, the bright thoughts following each other in

1 Examen critique, p. 155. * Examen critique, Vol. V., p. 177. Cosmos, Vol. II., p. 657. * Cosmos, Vol. II., p. 662. * Examen critique. Vol. III., p. 38. "Examen critique, Vol. III., p. 99. 'Examen critique, Vol. III., p. 153. "London, George Philip & Son, 1892.

rapid succession, and his enthusiastic and impressionable nature produced visions and day-dreams which often impressed him with all the force of reality. Like Joan of Arc, and other gifted beings who have been the instruments to work out great events, Columbus heard voices, which had the practical effect of rousing him from despondency and bracing him to his work. He has recorded two occasions on which this happened, but probably " the voices" made themselves heard at other critical turning points of his life. Yet there was no danger of his becoming a mere visionary. His clear, penetrating intellect saved him from that; and it was this unrivalled power, combined with a brilliant imagination, which constituted his genius. He prepared himself for his great work by long study, by the acquisition of vast experience, and by a minute knowledge of every detail of his profession. But this would not have sufficed. He added to these qualifications a master mind endowed with reasoning powers of a high order; and an ingenious, almost subtle, way of seizing upon and utilizing every point which had a relation to the subject he was considering. His forecasts amount to prevision. Assuredly the discovery of the New World was no accident. "His genius and lofty enthusiasm, his ardent and justified previsions, mark the Admiral as one of the lights of the human race."'

"It was, however, as a navigator that the genius of Columbus found the most suitable field for its display. He was a consummate seaman, and without any equal in that age as a pilot and a navigator; while his sense of duty and responsibility gave rise to a watchfulness which was unceasing and untiring. His knowledge of cosmography, of all needful calculations, and of the manipulation of every known instrument was profound: but he showed even greater force in his forecasts of weather, in his reasoning on the effects of winds and currents, and in the marvellous accuracy of his landfalls, even when approaching an unknown coast... .His genius was a gift which is only produced once in an age. But his reasoning power, carefully trained and' cultivated, his diligence as a student, his habits of observation, and

1 Life of Columbus, by Clements R. Markham. C. B., pp. 296, 297. The sentence quoted by Mr. Markham. at the close, is a sentence lie takes from Col. Yule's admirable work on : " Marco Polo."

the regularity of his work, especially in writing up a journal and taking observations, are qualities which every seaman might usefully study and imitate. He has been accused of carelessness and inaccuracy in his statements: but every instance that has been put forward can be shown to be consistent with accuracy. The blunders were not those of the Admiral, but of his crities. Considering the circumstances under which many of his letters were written, his careful accuracy of statement is remarkable. It is another proof of a mind long trained to orderly and methodical habits He was amiable and of a most affectionate disposition, and made many and lasting friendships in all ranks of life.. .We reverence and admire his genius, we applaud his large-hearted magnanimity, we urge the study of his life on all seamen as a useful example, but his friendships and the warmth of his affections are the qualities which appeal most to our regard. Columbus was a man to reverence, but he was still more a man to love."

"The work of few men in the world's history has had such a lasting influence on the welfare of the human race as that of Columbus. It created a complete revolution in the thoughts and ideas of the age. It was a landmark and a beacon. It divided the old and the new order of things, and it threw a bright light over the future. In ten years he discovered the way across the Atlantic, he explored the Gulf stream and the regions of the trades, of the westerlies and the calms; he discovered the Bahamas and the West Indies; he inspired the work of Cabot and Cortereal; and he or his pupils discovered the coasts of the new continent from 8degrees South of the equator to the Gulf of Honduras. But the greatest achievement was the first voyage across the ocean. It broke the spell and opened a new era. All else he did, and all that was done after his death for the next fifty years, followed as a natural consequence. The originator and supreme leader of all, was Christopher Columbus."'

To these "estimates " collected from American, German and English authorities, I shall add a few sentences written by Prof. John Fiske in the second volume of his work on: The Discovery of America1 The Discovery of America may be regarded in one

Life of Columbus, C. R. Markham. pp. 2ox), 300, 301. i Page 553.

sense as a unique event, but it must likewise be regarded as a long and multifarious process. The unique event was the crossing of the sea of Darkness in 1492. It established a true and permanent contact between the eastern and western halves of our planet, and brought together the two streams of human life that had flowed in separate channels ever since the Glacial period. No ingenuity of argument can take from Columbus the glory of an achievement which has, and can have, no parallel in the whole career of mankind.1

Before again addressing the "Home University League," it may be well to state that I do not know what religion Mr. Markham professes, though I am certain he is not a Catholic. As for the good-humored Mr. Fiske, I fear that, for a second, but no longer, he would be angry with any one who charged him with having a " denominational " religion. He is a " Fiskian" philosopher. Any educated gentleman can be truthful, if he will; and there is no reason why the most predestinated and self-cultured Calvinist should not be a liar.

Comparing the standing of the competent scholars whom I have called as witnesses to the character, ability, and deeds of Columbus, with the want of standing of Messrs. Parkhurst, Adams, Winsor, and the anonymous composer of the vile and ignorant article in "Self Culture," I know that the intelligent and honest Home Leaguers will thank me for warning them to guard their magazine against the conscienceless " historical dynamiter " who has secreted himself in the League's " midst." The man or men, who, to-day, in the face of the scholarship of five centuries, would seek to mislead any portion of American youth, by representing Columbus as a life-long and practised liar, greedy for gold, a bigot, a visionary, a criminal, a curse to America, a miserable fraud, a crank, deficient in intellect, judgment, and knowledge, a pious fraud, the worst failure and the greatest shame in all human history,1such man or men, because of consummate ignorance, or phenomenal malice, deserve the reprobation of every lover of truth, of learning, of grand ideals and grand actions. More than wife-beaters, they are worthy of the whipping-post. They poison the springs of truth; they destroy honorable reputations; they sow the seed of falsehood, thus endangering the very life of society. Hated of God, the knowing falsifier should be pursued and punished by men. The ignorant falsifier, if less guilty, is no less dangerous, and should be promptly exposed.

The managers of " Self Culture " are evidently committed to the " Whichwhat " school of defamation; for, besides the article I have discussed, they print, in the Magazine of Knowledge, " Readings in American History," whose purport is further to mislead the members of the Home University League concerning Columbus, and at the same time to advertise the " Encyclopaedia Britannica;" a work in which, apparently, the publishers of " Self Culture " are not unselfishly interested. Woe! Woe! to the University whose corner-stone is an encyclopaedia, and whose dome is topped by the illuminated statue of Justin Winsor enlightening Chicago.

Certain false charges made in the Winsoresque estimate of Columbus, I shall repel in a second article. They refer to his relations with Dona Beatrix, and to his dealings with the Indians. Again and again and again these charges have been answered, and therefore I can say nothing new; but, lest the members of the H. U. L. may not find an answer in the E. B., I may serve them by repeating an old story. Loving truth and my mother-tongue as ardently as the "self-culturedest" self-culturer, I shall spare no effort to preserve the Magazine of Knowledge from the incendiary 1Whichwhaters."

Columbus Among Liars


John A. Mooney.

With a pen dripping honied vocables, an unknown artist has attributed to an unflinching pulpitworker the following graceful and gracious attempt to express an uncultured untruth: "Columbus was the first to establish slavery in America, which cursed the new country for centuries." And not to be surpassed by a mere pulpit-worker, the artist composed, for the delectation of students, a dulcet sentence, thus worded: "The record of the terms without which Columbus refused to sail is a monumental exposure of his greed, and that of the dealings by which he strove to effect his purpose reveals a lust of the flesh and of base desire at once brutal and shameless." Were the pupils in the schools of Chicago compelled, daily, to turn these two "brutal and shameless " sentences into English, there is no doubt in my mind that Young America would curse this country during all the ages; and that, even the old folk, repressing, for a time, all lusts of the flesh and base desires, would laugh "to kill" at the monumental exposure of the self-culture of the pulpit-worker and the magazine worker.

The end is not yet. "There is no reason whatever,"the artist tunefully intones," for imagining that we could see Columbus more favorably if we had more light. There is but too much light for those that have eyes to see, and in the not yet translated parts of Las Casas there is enough more to put a brand of eternal infamy on the Italian adventurer who enslaved and slaughtered the natives of the islands discovered by him as recklessly, and exterminated them in vast numbers as ruthlessly, as if they had been so many field vermin."

O awfully, cruelly funny "Whichwhater!" There shall be a light in our window for thee; just enough for a blind man to see. But what should one do with that Italian adventurer who discovered islands as recklessly as if they had been so many field vermin? Put a brand of eternal infamy on him with too much and enough more light! Nay; the penalty must fit the crime. Let him be interned with "the not yet translated parts of Las Casas," in the Winsorian Hospital for Enslaved and Slaughtered English Grammars! In a letter written in 1500 to Dona Juana de la Torre, the Discoverer of the New World used the following words: "I have reached a point where even the vilest seek to outrage me ".... "If I had stolen the Indies and given them to the Moors, it would be impossible to show more hatred to me, in Spain." With this quotation I dismiss the " Whichwhaters." Their hatred will avail no more than Spanish hatred availed. But their vile language, their outrages on our mother-tongue, are so shameful, that I feel bound once more to warn all self-culturing youths and maidens to keep a watchful eye on the Magazine of Knowledge. Eternal vigilance is the price of good English. The name of the great Dominican, Las Casas, has been freely used by scribblers who knew little about him. A mere mention of the titles of his works will expose the cheap pretension of the one who referred to " the not yet translated parts of Las Casas." Besides the: De unico modo vocationis, he published a Spanish translation of the Brief: Enntes docete omnes getites, issued by Pope Paul III., on May 29th, 1537; and this translation was followed by the: Brevissima relacion de la destruycion de las lndias, commonly known as: "The Destruction of the Indies." Pursuing a single aim, Las Casas multiplied treatises. Of these a number exist only in manuscript. Those printed during his lifetime, in the original Spanish or Latin, or published after his death, in traitorous French translations, are more than a few; as the following titles exhibit: "Entre los Remedies "; "Tratado comprobatorio del Imperio Soberano'; the "Thirty Propositions", otherwise presented as the " Twenty Reasons "; the " Quaeslio de imperatoria vel regia potestate "; the treatise on the " Liberty of the Indians "; the " Controversy with Dr. dc Sepulveda "; the "Letter to Don B. Carranza de Miranda"; and the " Consultation on the Affairs of Peru." The best known, though not the most learned work of Las Casas, is the: " Historia de las lndias' printed for the first time, in 1875. I have not heard of anv English translation of the Historia, though I have read that some of his works have been translated into English. There is an Italian as well as a French version of the Brevissima relacion. The Italian version is reliable. Several of the treatises have been paraphrased, most liberally, by Llorente,' who cooked texts always with a freedom allowable only to a Spanish chef when concocting an Olla Podrida.

Translating "parts" of Las Casas, we can compare his estimate of Columbus, with the estimate formed by Von Humboldt. Prescott, Markham and Fiske. "He was a man with a great valiant soul,"'thus Las Casas wrote,"" of high thought, and from what can be deduced from his life and deeds and from his writings and conversation, naturally inclined to attempt illustrious and noble actions and deeds; patient and long-suffering, a pardoner of injuries, and one who desired no other thing, as he himself said, than that those who injured him should acknowledge their errors, and that delinquents should confess their offenses; most constant and adorned with longanimity in the hardships and adversities that ever befell him, the which were incredible and infinite, maintaining always a great confidence in Divine Providence; and truly, from what I myself have heard, both from my own father who was with him when he returned to colonize the island of Hispaniola in 1493, and from other persons who accompanied him and served him, he had and always preserved affectionate fidelity and devotion to the Sovereigns."

From this single quotation, the ignorance or the malice of those who use the name of Las Casas in support of their falsehoods, will be apparent. The " Great Apostle of the Indies " ' never hesitated to use a strong word in the right place. To their face, he compared men high in power with one who is known to all Christians as the father of lies. And were Las Casas alive to-day, and writing here, I am not certain that, moved by a just indignation, he would have spared the calumniators of Columbus a comparison that I deem superfluous.

1 Euvres de Don Barthelemi de las Casas. par J. A. Llorente. Paris, 1822. 2 vols. 9 Historia de las Indias, in the: Coleccion de documentos ineditos para la Historia de Espana, Madrid, 1875, vol. I xii. p. 45. 3 Thus Sir Arthur Helps calls Las Casas.

However, we shall not confine ourselves to one quotation. Passing over a tribute to the " grand memory " and the " extraordinary faculty of judgment " with which God had endowed the Discoverer of the New World; and omitting the testimony of Las Casas to the fact that Columbus was "a man fearing God, and temperate," and that " his constancy and the generosity of his soul were no less remarkable than his knowledge," I beg my readers to reflect on the following passage:' "And so I (Bartholomew Las Casas) believe that Christopher Columbus was moved principally for God, and for spiritual and eternal treasures, and for the salvation of the predestined." Perhaps there are unflinching pulpit-workers, student-librarians, and uncultured speechmakers who had not read the " now translated parts " of Las Casas. Dare they say that Columbus was greedy for gold alone; or, that he was a criminal? If he were a mere adventurous criminal, what was Las Casas? Was he also a criminal? In the: Case Against Columbus, there is a criminal somewhere; and if the criminal be neither Columbus nor Las Casas, I think we shall catch him red-handed.

"All the days of his life "I am translating another passage from Las Casas" were full of perils, surprises, hardships, such as were never before heard of, bitter sorrows, persecutions, afflictions, and one continued martyrdom."* A martyr criminal! and the first recorded in history. The criminal,all the days of whose life were full of hardships, such as were never before heard of; the criminal who,suffering always the bitter sorrows, persecutions, and afflictions that only a great, valiant soul could have borne, was moved to seek a new world, principally for God, and for spiritual and eternal treasures, and for the salvation of souls,is a criminal unique in the experience of mankind.

1 Coleccion, vol. lxii., p. 248. * Coleccion, vol. lxii., p. 249. 'It is Llorente who thus qualifies Las Casas.

What estimate should we form of the life and the deeds of such a"criminal" The " martyr of charity "' shall answer: "To extol and manifest two things, I (Bartholomew Las Casas) have many times, when meditating on this matter, desired that I might have new grace and aid from God, and the pen of Tullius Cicero with his eloquence; the first of these things is the ineffable service that Christopher Columbus rendered to God, and the universal benefits he conferred oa the whole world, especially on Christendom, and, among others, more particularly on the Castilians, if we recognize the gifts of God, with which he was endowed, and his risks and hardships, and the industry, skill and valor, which he abundantly displayed in the discovery of this orb."' ... "It would seem that, before the ages, God conceded to this man the keys of that most fearful sea, and desired that no other should open its mysterious locks; that to him we owe all those harbors, within, that have followed since (he opened the locks), and whatever benefits of any sort shall follow from this day forward until the end of the world."'

Lengthily does Las Casas enumerate the manifold benefits conferred on mankind and on religion by Christopher Columbus; and, deeply affected, as all men of thought and feeling have been affected, by the remembrance of the immortal deeds of Columbus, the great Dominican thus concludes: "Of all these illustrious and incomparable benefits, and of other innumerable benefits that each day strike our eyes, .. . the second cause, under God, and the first with respect to all the men of this world, was that most worthy man, the first discoverer of that most extensive and most famous New World, of which he alone worthily deserved to be the first Admiral.'"

To these enthusiastic eulogies of Columbus, we could add others no less hearty, written by the same hand in the: Historia de las Indias ; but from those I have quoted, one having eyes can see that no child of the father of lies can be in communion with the first priest ordained in the New World,Bartholomew Las Casas. The " criminal " of Winsor et al. is the Christian hero of Las Casas, and of all other educated and truthful men. A brand of eternal infamy, the fiery Dominican would have burned into the forehead of any one malicious enough to represent as a criminal, the most worthy man, who, with respect to all men, was the first cause of all the incomparable benefits that have accrued to humanity through the discovery of the marvellous New World,Christopher Columbus.

Relating the story of the occupation and colonization of the Indies, Las Casas did pass a severe judgment on many acts for which he held the Admiral responsible; but by no word did the honest and learned Dominican question the purity of the Admiral's intentions. The wisdom or the legality of these acts, Las Casas questions or denies; but nowhere does he cast a suspicion, however slight, on the motives that determined Columbus in his policy as a governor.

The position maintained by Las Casas was peculiar. He did not absolutely deny the right to make or hold slaves. The Law of Nations recognized such a right, and, as a jurist, he was bound to recognize the validity of that law. What he did deny was: that anybody, not excepting the Rulers of Spain, had a right to make slaves, contrary to the law of nations, or to hold slaves illicitly acquired. To this sound major proposition, he added a minor having this intent: The Indians enslaved in the New World were illicitly enslaved. Conceding this minor, his conclusion was logically consequent: Therefore all the Indian slaves should be set free. To prove his minor, Las Casas maintained that a good title to a slave could be acquired only by capture in a just war { bona guerra ) or by purchase or gift, the seller or donor having a good title; and to this new major he appended a new minor: No title, acquired through a just war, existed in the New World; and few, if any Indians, had been purchased, or received as a gift, from individuals who had a legal right to sell or give. This new minor, he supported by a declaration that the sole title the Spaniards had in the New World was the title conceded them by the Bull of Pope Alexander VI.; and that the sole right acquired under this Bull, was the right to preach the Gospel to the inhabitants of the New World. The occupation by Columbus was in the eyes of Las Casas, a forcible, unjustifiable occupation; the attempt to establish a form of government other than that existing among the natives, he denounced as an act of injustice; nay, more, he protested that, in attacking the Spaniards, and in killing them, anywhere and everywhere, the Indians were justified. On their side was right; the Spaniard was an unjust aggressor. So that,in the opinion of Las Casas, all acts performed by Columbus, or by his successors, excepting only such acts as were directed to the peaceable spreading of Christianity, were unjust, radically. The argument of Las Casas, I have summarized here. In several of his memorials and treatises, as well as in the Brevissima relatcion and in the Historia he stated the argument clearly, though it is in the controversy with De Sepulveda that he develops his thesis the more fully and closely.

If the student-librarians and their co-working pulpiteers will apply the principles and the reasoning of Las Casas to the occupation of our coasts by Puritan or Cavalier, and to the " civilizing" methods adopted by these models of sweet Christian charity, they will find material for volumes of illicit English and of righteous indignation. There is light enough in the "not yet translated parts of Las Casas " and in the written and unwritten history of the American colonies and of the United States, to "put a brand of infamy" on the slaughterers and exterminators of the American Indians who were not fortunate enough to come under the mild rule of Christopher Columbus, but who were so unfortunate as to fall into the hands of Englishmen and Dutchmen, whose purposes reveal not only "a lust of the flesh and base desire at once brutal and shameless," but also a contempt for right and for justice that only a Las Casas could fittingly expose and condemn.

Clearly, the conclusion of the jurist and theologian reached and purposely reached beyond Columbus. He was but the servant of the crown, and the policy he adopted was passed upon or initiated, by the kings Spain. They were responsible for the injustices that were radical. And this responsibility Las Casas charged them with, again and again. Indeed, on account of his iteration of royal responsibility, he was accused of disloyalty; a charge against which he skilfully defended himself.

Reading the Historia, by bits and scraps, one may fall upon a passage, which, wrested from the context, and presented unintclligently or dishonestly, would mislead. Everything Las Casas wrote, was written under the influence of his grand argument. Coming to details, each act of Columbus was measured by Las Casas according to the Law of Nations, and the canons of Catholic theology set forth in his works; and not only for every act, illicit under the law and the canons, did he condemn the Admiral, but also for all the consequences of these acts. This sweeping condemnation, Las Casas qualified, however, by excusing Columbus for performing these condemnable actions, On account of his good faith, sincerity, gentleness (dulzura) and benignity; or on account of his ignorance of law; or on account of the royal approbation of his acts. On the crown it is that Las Casas really places the responsibility, as he should do. A Council composed of jurists and theologians, decided all questions relating to the treatment of the Indians. To this Council all the politic acts of Columbus were submitted; and, with the Council, the Sovereigns passed upon those acts; as, advised by the Council, the Sovereigns frequently instructed their Admiral how they desired him to act. For whatever policy he adopted, the Council was finally responsible; and on the Council, Las Casas imposes the final responsibility.

Making the Council bear the burden of the policy followed by Columbus, Las Casas aimed one shaft at King Ferdinand, and another at Fonseca, the king's favorite; both of whom, as Las Casas testifies, were ever unfriendly to the noble Discoverer; and both of whom influenced the Council to serve ends personal to the king and to Fonseca. No policy formed by Columbus could have been permanently established, against the advice of the Council and the will of the Sovereigns.

Here it may be well to recall some facts that are seldom considered. On his first voyage, Columbus constructed Fort Navidad, and left in the fort, a garrison of forty-four men. Returning to Spain, he reached Palos on March 15th, 1493. A month had hardly passed when the Sovereigns organized the department of Indian affairs, with Fonseca as its head. From that day forward Columbus was subject to the control of this department as well as of the Sovereigns. Making a second voyage to the New World, the Admiral reached Navidad, on November 27th, 1493. Until April 24th, 1494, he remained on land, planning the new city of Isabella, stamping out the conspiracy of Bernal Diaz and exploring the island. Discovering and observing, amid perils and hardships, lie spent the following five months at sea. "Prostrate, insensible, delirious," ' "deprived of memory, sight and all his faculties,"3 he was carried onshore, at Isabella, on September 29th, 1494. During the succeeding five months, he lay there, helplessly ill. Recovering, he spent the next eleven months in defending the colony against disorderly Spaniards and warring Indians. On March 10th, 1496, he sailed once more for Spain. Two years and five months later, on August 31st, 1498, he returned to the New World, and entered the new city of San Domingo for the first time. Pacifying the country, contending with rebels, and successfully founding the colony on a basis of prosperity, Columbus, with his brother Bartholomew, surmounted many and rare difficulties, and bore hardships innumerable. On the 22d of August, 1500, Bobadilla appeared in the harbor of San Domingo, and the authority of Columbus ended forever. Seven years had passed since the first discovery; and, during these seven years, the Admiral had exercised authority for no more than three years and four months.

Reference has been made to the rebellion of Diaz, which was only the first of several traitorous attempts to nullify the authority of the Admiral and of the kings of Spain. And it is noteworthy that the favorites of royalty were frequently implicated in the conspiracies against tne representative of the crown. When in April, 1494, Columbus went in search of new lands, he appointed a commission or Junta, of five, to manage affairs during his absence. At least one member of this Junta proved a disturber; and the rebellious Margarite, a favorite of the king, found a supporter in Boil, another favorite. Convalescing after his long illness, the Admiral learned of the rising of Caonabo, a savage no less unreliable than the royal favorites. Roldan, Riquelme, Guevara, Mejica, in turn, threatened the very existence of the colony, and made the two latter years of his nominal governorship a " martyrdom." We have already noted the control exercised by the Sovereigns over the affairs of the Indies, from the day that they first knew of the existence of the Indies. Sixty years ago.
Von Humboldt
1 Life of Christopher Columbus, by C. R. Markham, p. 169.
J The Life and Voyages, Irving, Hudson edition, vol. i., p. 524.

wrote: "Official documents, and especially the large number of royal orders addressed to Columbus prove that the court occupied itself with the smallest details of the administration of the colony."' These documents and orders exist, and a biographer of Columbus, desirous of claiming thoroughness and honesty, must read every one of them. Having read them, he cannot honestly represent the Admiral as an autocrat, ruling according to his own pleasure. A document, made public by the Sovereigns on April 10th, 1495," shows how lightly they esteemed his powers, and how absolutely they assumed to control the Indies, regardless of any privileges or grants they had accorded him, under their hand and seal. In this document, they gave " general permission to native-born subjects to settle in the island of Hispaniola, and to go on private voyages of discovery and traffic to the New World." By this act, they attacked the authority nominally placed by them in the Admiral's hands, and invited the disorders which, later, he repressed at so great cost to himself. Again to advertise their royal control, they sent Juan Aguado to Hispaniola, in August, 1495. The spirit of the Sovereigns and of the department of the Indies can be fairly judged by Aguado's bearing when he arrived at Isabella, in October of the same year. "He assumed," says Washington Irving, "a tone of authority, as though the reins of government had been transferred into his hands. He interfered in public affairs; ordered various persons to be arrested; called to account the officers employed by the Admiral, and paid no respect to Don Bartholomew Columbus, who remained in command during the absence of his brother."" To defend himself against the calculated ill-will, and against the calumnies of this agent of the Sovereigns,the Admiral was obliged to return to Spain, in March, 1496. Two years and five months he was detained there, by the machinations of Fonseca and the neglect of the crown. When he embraced his brother once more, in the new city of San Domingo, it was " with grief and disappointment that he learned of the mutiny of the
1 Examen critique, vol. iii., p. 262.
4 See Navarrete,Coleccion de los viagesy descubrimientos; vol.ii., pp. 165-168.
3 Irving, vol. ii., pp. 82, 83.

miscreant, Francisco Roldan, whom he had raised from the dust." Roldan, Riquelme, Guevara, Mejica might well have charged Ferdinand and Fonseca with having encouraged rebellion, by their own repeated attacks on the Admiral's authority. When he had compromised with Roldan, and had reduced the others to obedience, the Sovereigns practically approved all the treacheries and rebellions that Columbus had mastered. The chains of Bobadilla were the sole reward of the Admiral's affectionate loyalty, valor, high judgment, prudence and longanimity.

From these records, it is as clear as the day that, before Columbus exercised a single act of authority in the New World, and indeed before a community existed there, the Sovereigns assumed the direction of Indian affairs; and that, henceforward, they supervised the smallest details of his administration, acting, commonly, without consulting with him, and often ordering affairs of their own motion; and it is equally clear that from the destruction of Fort Navidad until the disgraceful day on which he was put into irons,beset continually with trials, caused more than all by Spanish miscreants who hated him because of his ability and virtue, the crown, instead of supporting him, offered an example which naturally encouraged ambitious and greedy men to despise the mean and insecure authority that Columbus was permitted to exercise.

Now, I may fairly ask, is there any sensible person, weighing the facts here presented, who will believe that Christopher Columbus could have introduced slavery into the New World? The answer is plain: He could not have introduced slavery, during the three years and four months of his administration, without the consent or connivance of the Sovereigns; and, had he introduced slavery, the crown would be responsible, and not Columbus, Does Las Casas charge Columbus with introducing slavery into the New World? He does not so charge him; nor could he, for the simple reason that, by no free act did Columbus introduce or endeavor to introduce slavery into the New World.

The economic systems adopted by the Admiral are succinctly stated by Las Casas in the " Eleventh Reason" of the "Remedies." I quote his words: "The first Admiral of the Indies, who discovered the New World, believing that he followed the will of the kings, when he was at the island of Hispaniola in the beginning, made tributaries of the Indians, imposing on each of those living in the neighborhood of the mines to fill a hawk's bell with gold; and on those who were far away from the mines he laid a tax of a certain quantity of cotton and of such other things as they could give. Afterwards some tyrants among the Spaniards, who were with him, separated from him and revolted against his authority, and were the cause of his suffering great hardships and afflictions; and they possessed themselves of the Indians in a province of the island (of Hispaniola) called Xaragua, a rich province, and very populous, and commenced to make use of the Indians very unjustly; and after having come to an agreement, he permitted the Spaniards to retain some settlements (of Indians), and to use their labor and so to till farms for themselves."'

The " Spanish tyrants " to whom Las Casas alludes were the turbulent followers of Francisco Roldan, who in the year 1497, led a revolt against Bartholomew Columbus, during the Admiral's absence in Spain. In the Historia delas Indias, Las Casas narrates all the evil doings of this " miscreant," who, persecuting the Indians on the one hand, and, on the other, exciting them to destroy the royal colony, maintained an independent government until the arrival of Columbus at San Domingo, on August 30th, 1498.'

The terrible dangers that threatened the colony at this time are forcibly narrated by Las Casas. Columbus saw but one way out of them: negotiation with Roldan, and an appeal to the Sovereigns. Step by step, Roldan, who knew his strength and the Admiral's weakness, forced concession after concession. Hoping to get Roldan and his horde out of the island, for at first they promised to return to.Spain, Columbus granted them a slave each, of those whom they had already enslaved. Having gained this concession, Roldan refused to return to Spain, and demanded a grant of lands for himself and followers, and the use of the services of the Indians to cultivate the lands. This demand was also granted. To these terms compelled by "the serpent," Roldan, Las Casas alluded in the passage quoted from the " Remedies." Let us hear

1 Remedios, edition of 1552.
'Washington Irving's account of this rebellion, based as the account is on that of Las Casas, is full, trustworthy, and instructive: vol. ii., pp. 109-265.

what he says on the subject in the " Historia de las Indias." "Certainly, the ambition and bad conduct of this miserable Roldan are manifest, and the extreme necessity in which the Admiral found himself, and how he signed the concession against his will."' Nay more, the Dominican Patron of the Indians relates, what we know to be a fact, that Columbus promptly, and more than once, advised the Sovereigns of each one of his concessions and of all the circumstances; and that he protested to them that: "what he had signed was against his will, and was done under the advice of the principal persons (in the colony) who desiderated the advantage of their Highnesses, because they saw the danger there was of tie island's being ruined for either Indians or Christians, if these (rebels) did not leave the country, or did not submit, and if that shameless fire which daily increased was not confounded with shame."'

Nor does Las Casas rest here. He maintains that not one of the concessions made by Columbus, was granted "proprio motu" and of his own will. "The extreme necessity in which he found himself constrained him to sign the concessions," Las Casas writes; "wherefore they were null and void." When Columbus advised the Sovereigns of Roldan's acts and of his own, he also specified the neglect of the crown in not having provided the colony with a jurist. One experienced in the law should have been sent from Spain, " because the people on the island were unruly, and knew the Admiral dare not restrain them, on account of the unjust accusations they had made against him in Castille; accusations that were believed." "The concession made to Roldan," the learned Dominican adds, "was nihil, because, according to Jurists, to give, transfer, or prorogate jurisdiction, pure and totally free consent is required; and Columbus, under the circumstances, was deprived of free consent." *

Prudence, respect for law, acknowledgment of the crown's authority, and a manly independence, were displayed by Columbus in his letters to the Sovereigns concerning Roldan. Not content with asking them to supply a notable defect, by appointing a jurist

1 Coleccion, vol. lxiii., p. 365. * Coleccion, vol. lxiii., p. 360.
* Coleccion, vol. lxiii., pp. 366-368.

to give force to law, he also requested that two "virtuous persons" should be named as official councillors of the colony. Nor did he hesitate to reproach the crown for having weakened his authority. Treating him openly as a governor, named by the crown, should not have been treated, the crown invited disorder. In answer to his protestand requests, did the Sovereigns repudiate the void agreement forced from the Admiral by Roldan? No! Fonseca supported the rebel. Did they create a department of justice and select virtuous councillors to assist their nominal governor? No. At the mercy of the rebels, he remained. The crown preferred to retain absolute power in its own hands. Bobadilla answered the protests and requests of the Discoverer of the New World.

By the forced compromise with Roldan, or by the methods thereafter adopted to give stability to the colony, did Columbus introduce a system of Indian slavery into the New World? He did not; nor has any intelligent and honest writer charged him with introducing such a system. Indeed, no one who can read, except a reader-liar, could make such a charge against him. Sir Arthur Helps evidenced an unselfish and intelligent interest in the welfare of slaves long before the " New England conscience" was generally awakened to the inhumanity of the "forefathers" whose "lust of the flesh " could be gratified only by the exchange of "rum" for "niggers." In the "Conquerors of the New World,"1 Mr. Helps truthfully relates the facts: "Columbus apportioned to any Spaniard, whom he thought fit, such and such lands, to be worked by such a Cacique and his people a very different procedure to giving men a feudal system as Munoz justly calls it, and not a system of slavery. Open Washington Irving's "Life and Voyages of Columbus," and read this passage:' "He made an arrangement, also, by which the Caciques in their vicinity instead of paying tribute, should furnish parties of their subjects, free Indians, to assist the colonists in the cultivation of their lands: a kind of feudal service, which was the origin of the repartimientos, or distributions of free Indians among the colonists, afterwards generally adopted and shamefully abused throughout the Spanish Colonies." Mr. John Fiske's " estimate " confirms the statements of Irving and Helps: "By 1499 the island had begun to be divided into repartimieitos, or shares. One or more villages would be ordered, under the direction of their native chiefs to till the soil for the benefit of some specified Spaniard or partnership of Spaniards; and such a village or villages constituted the repartimiento of the person or persons to whom it was assigned. This arrangement put the Indians into a state somewhat resembling that of feudal villenage; and this was as far as things had gone when the administration of Columbus came abruptly to an end."' To these quotations I might add indefinitely.

The authority of Las Casas would have sufficed to prove that Columbus did not introduce a system of slavery into the colony. The Dominican historian is careful to record the provisions made by the Admiral.! He states that no Spaniard was permitted to employ Indians in the mines, unless he held a written license, signed by the Admiral; and that this license was good, only "from such a month to such a month." Indeed, Las Casas expresses the opinion that the plan devised by Columbus for the use of Indian labor was intended by him to be merely temporary. And as to the whole policy, though Las Casas considered it unlawful, he declares it to be his conviction that Columbus was inspired by " a holy intention "; and, " I believe it to be certain" I quote the words of Las Casas " that he (Columbus) believed he was not in error."

Arguing that the original occupation of the New World was unjust, Las Casas looked upon the distribution of the land among the Spaniards as an injustice; and he looked upon the partitioning of the Indians to cultivate the farms and work the mines, as a

1 Vol. ii.. pp, 434-435
2 Consult: "The Life of Columbus," by Sir Arthur Helps, London, 1869, p. "196; and the same author's: "Conquerors of the New World and their Bondsmen," London, 1848, p. 167. "Columbus placed a Cacique and his followers on certain lands, and then named certain Spaniards who were to receive the benefit from the tillage of these lands. We find also that he allowed Indians to be taken to work in the mines; but then an especial license was necessary, and it was given from such a month to such a month."
1 Coleccion, vol. Ixiii., p. 379.

second injustice. Hence his assumption that, adopting the repartimiento, Columbus " erred." In fact, Columbus did not introduce the repartimiento. The Sovereigns introduced it, as we know from the Patent issued by them on July 22d, 1497.1 In tn's document they instructed the Admiral to distribute lands to each one of the Spaniards, according to his condition and quality. These lands, the grantees were to cultivate; and the real ownershipof the lands was formally vested in the grantees. The Patent is silent about a partitioning of the Indians; and yet, evidently, the Sovereigns had some such scheme in mind when issuing their order. The lands were not " self culturing." If the Indians did not cultivate them, who would? Unless the repartimiento was to be a vacant lot, and no more, Columbus had to provide a means of utilizing the land. It was his duty to make the colony self-sustaining. Without food, neither the Indians nor the Spaniards could be kept alive. Cultivating the land, not only was a sustenance assured to all, but the natives and the Spaniards were also assimilated, and the order and prosperity of the colony secured. Force, Columbus did not use in the experiment with the repartimiento. He entered into a peaceful transaction with the Caciques. Instead of the tribute of gold, or cotton, etc., previously paid, they voluntarily agreed to supply the farms and mines with laborers.

That the Admiral acted in accord with the intentions of the crown, there can be no doubt. Advised after, if not before, the establishment of the repartimiento of Indians, the Sovereigns made no change in the system. Nay more, they formally commended it; and, even after the abuses introduced by Bobadilla, and continued by De Lares, the crown confirmed the systems of compulsory labor for which, not the Admiral but his successors were responsible.

Nor need we wonder that the Sovereigns looked favorably on the repartimiento, as Columbus administered it. The feudal system he introduced was an institution flourishing not in Spain alone, but also throughout Europe. "Mis Vasallos, " " my vassals," are the words frequently applied by the Sovereigns to the Indians. As their vassals, the Sovereigns instructed Columbus

1 Navarrete, Coleccion de los viages, etc., vol. ii., pp. 215-216.

to treat the Indians; he, in return, advises the crown that, as the crown's vassals, he deals with the Indians. The full meaning of this expression, the Sovereigns themselves denned by their orders to De Lares; and the meaning they gave to the word "vassals," in these orders, was much more extended than the practical definition of Columbus, as exemplified in the repartimiento of his day. The abuses that followed, under Bobadilla and De Lares, were not inherent in the system, but were due to the fact that neither of these men was endowed with the prudence, judgment, or longanimity of the Admiral; and to a fact no less important, namely: that, into the New World, there entered a mass of miserable fellows who, as Columbus pithily said: "deserved water, neither from God nor from man." A writer whose reputation depends on the credit he enjoys among the malicious and the uncritical, Llorente, the author of the lying " critical history of the Inquisition,"was no more than just when he asserted that Columbus "treated the Indians with a mildness and kindness which his successors never imitated."' Mr. Markham's judgment on the Admiral's administration is justified by the facts. Thus the learned Geographer writes: "If the sovereigns of Spain had trusted Columbus and his brothers fully and completely, had established trading posts and imposed a moderate tribute, and had absolutely prohibited the overrunning of the country by penniless and worthless adventurers, they would have had a rich and prosperous colony." 3 Nor is the scholarly English biographer more than fair, when describing the results of the Admiral's tranquillizing policy; results largely due to the establishment of the repartimiento. "With the restoration of peace," Mr. Markham truly says, "trade revived and prosperity began to return. The receivers of grants of land found that they had a stake in the country, and sought to derive profit from their crops. Similar activity appeared at the mines, and the building at San Domingo progressed rapidly." 3 In the " Remedios," Las Casas certifies that before the coming of De Lares: " The Indians remained in their villages and houses

1 Euvres de Las Casas, vol. i., p. 137. Life of Columbus, p. 194.
Life of Columbus, p. 200.

working at their occupations, and in peace as they were accustomed to live."1 If the Indians were maltreated and enslaved after the removal of Columbus, no one who is familiar with the writings of the conscientious Dominican, can for a moment doubt upon whom he puts the blame. The guilty man came from Spain in the year 1502, charged with the government of the Indies by Their Most Serene Highnessess, Don Fernando and Dona Isabel; and by them he was instructed " to rule the Indians as freemen , and with much love, mildness, charity, and justice, rnot placing them in servitude; " but he, "before the devil, invented the plan of giving the Indians to the Spaniards," as " he invented the system of parcelling out the Indians generally, as if they were so many cattle." And what was the name of this man? Las Casas will answer: "De Lares, the comendador mayor of Alcantara."*

The charge that Columbus introduced a system of slavery among the Indians of the New World is untenable. Had we no other evidence than the testimony I have just adduced from Las Casas, the falsity of the charge would be apparent. Such a charge can be inspired only by ignorance, or by malice; for Las Casas repeatedly names De Lares as the author of a system which, though no worse than the system of negro slavery long cherished even in the United States, was, nevertheless, unjust. "Hate and envy," said Llorente, " have ever persecuted men whose talents or virtues elevated them above their contemporaries." Virtuous and talented, in a remarkable degree, Columbus will not escape the shafts of hate and of envy, during the ages. Still these shafts are harmless. Virtue, at least, is armored, at all points, in shining and impenetrable steel.

1 Remedios: Razon Onzena, edition of 1552. Remedios: loco citato.

Columbus Govenor

Meditations on the Mysteries of the Rosary

from the From French of Father Monsabre, O.P.
translated by Very Reverend Stephen Byrne, O.P.



JESUS, having been taken from the cross, is placed in a new sepulchre in which His flesh, fearfully mangled by the ordeal through which it had passed, reposed for a little while. Its rest was not the deep sleep which weighs down human beings after they breathe their last sigh, and from which only the trumpet of the angel will awaken them ; it is a tranquil slumber from which the voice of God will soon arouse Him.

Two passions — hatred and fear — watch round His tomb. It is covered with a huge stone and secured by the seal of the synagogue. The soldiers are on guard to prevent any secret approach. It is confidently believed that these precautions will stifle for ever in the tomb the voice of Him who had said of His body : "Destroy this temple, and in three days I will build it up again (John ii. 19). How ridiculous and foolish men make themselves when they attempt to run counter to the designs of God or to give the lie to His promises ! On the morning of the third day there is an earthquake ; an angel descends and rolls away the stone ; and the flesh of Jesus, receiving Life again by the divine power, springs forth, glorious and immortal, from the arms of Death.

Let us adore our risen Saviour! No longer is He a prisoner whom the soldiers of the synagogue and the pretorium drag about from one tribunal to another ; no longer is He the man forsaken by His Father and His friends, and complaining most touchingly of the rigors of divine justice ; no more is He the condemned man whom all insult who dare address Him ; no longer is he the man covered with wounds and become like a leper whose aspect is fearful to look upon ; nor is He any more the dead body which His afflicted Mother enshrouded with reverent hands and saw laid in a sepulchre. Now He is free, joyous, triumphant, radiant, immortal. Let us, with the Psalmist, sing to the Lord : " Thou hast broken my bonds, and I will offer to Thee a sacrifice of praise." Thou hast not forgotten the Just One in His tomb, "nor hast Thou allowed Thy Holy One to see corruption." With St. Paul we will cry out : " O death ! where is thy victory ? O death ! where is thy sting?" (1 Cor. xv.) "Christ rising from the dead, dieth now no more, death shall have no more dominion over Him ; for in that He liveth, He liveth to God" (Rom. vi.) Let us sing these canticles of joy and then turn our thoughts upon ourselves.

This great mystery includes for us a lesson, a figure, and a promise.

The ineffable joy and glory of the Resurrection have been purchased at the price of most horrible sufferings. It was inevitable. It is our Saviour Himself who tells it to those who, like the disciples of Emmaus, might be scandalized or weakened on account of His Passion : " Ought not Christ to have suffered these things, and so to have entered into His glory ? " (Luke xxiv.) Now, the road of soldiers must be the same as that travelled by their leader. Enlisted under the banner of Jesus Christ, we cannot hope to attain the incorruptible glory and unalloyed happiness, promised by Almighty God, through the broad pathway of pleasure and enjoyment, which is unhappily too much frequented. Jesus did not take that road. It was the rough way of sorrow and pain, in which we can easily trace His bloody foot- steps, that conducted Him to eternal honors. It was the cross He bore and on which He died that opened the gates of heaven, barred and bolted against the luxury of worldlings. The motto of every Christian ought to be : "Let me suffer, O Lord ! in this life, that I may live eternally in the next."

This is the lesson of the Resurrection.

There is in it also a symbol or figure. The mystery of the Resurrection is a lively figure of the spiritual transformation which ought to take place in each of us. Sin is death. It is the tomb in which the captive soul sleeps a fatal sleep. The enemy takes all manner of precautions to prevent its awakening. Yet he cannot prevent the voice of God from reaching even this sepulchre of the sinful soul. " Arise," says that voice, " thou who sleepest ; arise from the dead. Christ will enlighten thee " (Ephes. v.) At the first sound of that voice let us rise from sin. We may never hear it more. Death long continued will breed corruption.

But how will I rise ? How break the cords that tie me down ? How roll away the heavy stone that is laid over me ? How break the inveterate habits and the shameful laxity of the will, which is weakened so much by its many consents to sin ? Courage, Christian ! In the figure just given there is a promise. For us Christ died, and " for our justification He rose again." The divine virtue of His glorified humanity will one day bring together the scattered dust of our bodies, and will make our flesh, dissolved in death, live again eternally incorrupt ; but at present He addresses Himself to the soul especially to draw it from sin to justice, and to give it strength to " walk in the pathway of a blessed newness of life."

I count on Thee, O my adorable Master ! Have pity on me ! I am dead, or at least I feel myself dying day by day ; for it is not life that languishes in tepidity. In virtue of Thy blessed Resurrection enable me to rise from the tomb of my failings. Create, O Lord ! a new spirit within me, so that, penetrated with Thy light, disengaged from the influences of the flesh, active and alert in good works, and bent upon the perfection of my life, I may live henceforth only for Thee, as Thou livest only for God.


LET us go to Mount Olivet. Thither Jesus brings His disciples for the last time. He recalls to their minds their divine mission, confirms the powers conferred upon them, again promises the Holy Spirit, gives them His blessing, bids them adieu, and rises towards heaven. The hearts of the apostles, divided between grief and wonder, follow with their eyes their adorable Master, who is leaving them, and whom they will never see again on earth. A bright cloud intercepts their view of the triumphant humanity of their Saviour, but they continue to look towards the heavens whither He had ascended. Now they understand all ; and their hearts, so recently gross and carnal, break all earthly chains.

Let us with them raise our hearts to heaven. Sursum corda ! If Jesus leaves us He does not forget us, nor does He abandon us to our exile without hope. His going is not to put an immense distance between His glory and our misery ; it is to prepare a place for us : " I go to prepare a place for you " (John xiv. 2). This is His promise ; can we suppose He will not keep it?

O Jesus, our only love! we have need of hearing this good word fall from Thy adorable lips to console us in Thy absence. Thou goest to prepare a place for us; is this world, therefore, not our most suitable home? Ah ! no. It is too full of troubles to give that joy to the heart to which it aspires; it is too narrow to satiate the immensity of our desires ; it is too uncertain to give us any assurance of eternal possession, the idea of which is inseparable from all our dreams of happiness. The eternal life of God, His infinite perfections, the perfect love of God, the boundless space which His immensity fills — this is the "length and breadth and depth" of which St. Paul speaks; this is the place to which we should direct our course and in which we should anchor our bark of life, the place which Jesus went to prepare for us.

He is there indeed. It is our humanity that triumphs in his person and sits at the right hand of God. Even if we were not called to a participation in His glory and beatitude we ought to be anxious to know where it is and to register His victory in our human records. If he belongs to God He belongs to us also; if He is of the divine substance He is also of our flesh and blood, and we may well declare with a holy doctor: " Where a part of me reigns, I believe I reign also; where my flesh is glorified, I am glorified; where my blood is king, I too am king."

But listen, Christian! Jesus does not wish to reduce you to the sterile honor of knowing His triumph. By His ascension He enters into the bosom of God the Father, not as a delegate, but as a precursor of humanity. This is the expression of St. Paul in his sixth chapter to the Hebrews. The precursor prepares the way for those who follow Him, and the place in which they are to rest after the fatigue of the journey. The precursor puts all things in order; He waits for His friends and calls them in. But how much more certain and efficacious His office is when, instead of being a servant merely, He is master of those for whom He prepares a place, and master of the place as well!

Christ, our precursor, is all this. Let us consider carefully the words of the apostle. He teaches us that Christ asserted our rights by His very presence in the bosom of God. For we are His property, and He has a right to enter into heaven with what belongs to Him. " He is our head; we are the body and members of that head." But where the head is, there likewise ought to be the body and the members. But Jesus would be our precursor only half-way if, by His action, He did not put us in condition to realize our lights — that is to say, if He did not prepare God to receive us and did not prepare us to take possession of God.

He is our priest "for ever"; or, in other words, He presents eternally to God the most sacred gifts that humanity has to offer, and to humanity the most sacred gifts of God. Our acts of religion would never have penetrated this sanctuary, in which they ought to mark out a place for us, if they did not pass through the hands of Jesus Christ. And if we return to God after our transgression, our repentance is only acceptable because "we have an advocate with the Father — Jesus Christ, the Just." If the groans of our misery or the expressions of our love are heard in heaven it is because Jesus appropriates them; for "He lives only to intercede for us.' He shows to the Father the marks of His glorious wounds, and makes His blood plead more strongly than that of Abel.

O God! Thou canst not resist this strong cry. It must be that Thou permittest us to mark our places in the sacred tabernacles which Thou fillest with Thy blessedness. This is the will of my Lord Jesus; and in preparing Thee to receive us He prepares us to take possession of Thee. The incarnate Word, humbled and annihilated in the days of His life on earth, became on the day of His ascension the inexhaustible treasury of the gifts of God. "Christ, ascending on high, led captivity captive, and gave gifts to men" (Ephes. iv. 8). Thus it is that the remedies of our faults, the succor of our weakness, the light of our darkness, the solace of our pains, the impulses towards good, all descend into our souls to make them worthy of God, whom we ought to possess. He extends His benign influence even to our corruptible flesh, which He prepares for the resurrection.

O Christian! meditate upon this glorious and consoling mystery. Never more turn to creatures as the end of your life. This world is not your resting-place. Honors, riches, pleasures, human affections are unworthy of a great and generous soul. Look to your Leader and Precursor; have confidence in His divine ministry; abandon yourself to His holy grace; raise your heart to heaven. Sursum corda!


THE apostles were assembled together in one place, awaiting in recollection and prayer the effect of the promises of Jesus. For He had said: "And if I go and prepare a place for you, I will come again and will take you to myself ; that where I am you also may be. . . . And I will ask the Father, and He shall give you another Paraclete [comforter or advocate], that He may abide with you for ever ; the Spirit of truth, whom the world cannot receive, because it seeth Him not nor knoweth Him ; but you shall know Him, because He shall abide with you and be with you " (John xiv. 3, 16, 17). Ten days after the Ascension of our Lord a mighty event took place. It was the fulfillment of the promise, and is thus recorded in the Acts of the Apostles : And suddenly there came a sound from heaven as of a mighty wind coming, and it filled the whole house where they were sitting. And there appeared to them cloven tongues as it were of fire, and it sat upon each one of them ; and they were all filled with the Holy Ghost, and they began to speak with divers tongues, according as the Holy Ghost gave them to speak" (Acts ii.)

O wonderful prodigy ! But a moment ago these men were ignorant and could not clearly understand the doctrine of their Master; now they possess a full knowledge of the most sublime truths. At one moment they express themselves in a weak and stammering manner; the next they are filled with a marvelous eloquence. At one moment they are weak and timid even to the extent of cowardice — they hide themselves, so as not to be involved in the misfortunes of their Master ; the next they come forth boldly, and fearlessly proclaim their faith and love, and this, too, before a people who load them with injuries and drag them before, their tribunals. They seem at one moment ungrateful and almost without hope; the next they are devoted to the words of their Master, even unto death. Now they are sad and downcast ; all at once their hearts abound in hope and joy. What has happened ? The Holy Ghost, having descended from heaven, has brought to perfection in the souls of the disciples the spirit and form of the Christian life, which until now were only in a crude, inchoative state. This is His special mission. The holy Fathers have sometimes called Him the " perfective force."

Learn from this, O Christian soul ! that the effusion of the Holy Spirit is as necessary for thy salvation as is the application of the blood and merits of Jesus Christ. " The end of man, which is to see God and possess Him eternally, is beyond the powers of nature," says St. Thomas of Aquin ; " our reason cannot conduct us to it, if its natural movement does not bring to its aid the instinct and motion of the Spirit of God. 9 ' It is so necessary for us that without it we possess only the rudiments of the Christian and supernatural life.

Jesus, the divine Architect, makes of our souls His temples, having purified them with His precious blood. It is the Holy Ghost who consecrates us in marking us with His character, and conferring upon us the unction of His love and the illumination of His gifts. Pentecost is therefore, in the Church, a universal and perpetual festival. Our baptism is a pentecost; our confirmation is a pentecost. Besides this, as St. Thomas teaches, the divine Paraclete returns constantly in His secret visits, to illuminate, strengthen, and beautify with His gifts the souls of the just.

But let us hear attentively the word of God : " The Lord does not come in times of disturbance " (3 Kings xix.) We must have peace in our souls ; we must remove the agitation of vain thoughts and of vain desires, if we would receive the Spirit of God. Let us await His coming, like the apostles, in recollection and prayer.

It is not likely that God will surprise us by sudden visits of His light and grace ; in the ordinary workings of His providence He only sends His Holy Spirit to us when we say with earnest fervor : Come ! Veni Sancte Spiritus !

Let us invoke Him, then, in the dark night of temptation, in the agony of doubt. When, enveloped in the darkness of ignorance and drawn on by the glare of creatures, our uncertain spirit asks for the truth to guide it ; and when, desirous of the knowledge and light of faith, we desire to penetrate the divine mysteries, let us invoke the Holy Spirit, for he is indeed the " Spirit of wisdom, understanding, and knowledge."

When we are moved to determine and fix our vocation in life, when we are about to perform some work in which our consciences are deeply concerned, or if it is our duty to direct. souls in the ways of God, let us invoke the " Spirit of counsel."

When we feel the love of God languish in our hearts, or even when we are moved by a holy zeal and we wish to love God with good effect, let us invoke the Holy Spirit, for He is truly the " Spirit of piety ."

When the power of evil attacks us and the world persecutes us, when passion torments us, and when sorrow oppresses us, let us earnestly call Him to our assistance, for He is the " Spirit of fortitude."

When the abyss of sin is open before us and ready to engulf us, let us invoke Him with all our strength, for He is the "Spirit of the fear of the Lord,"

In all our sufferings let us invoke Him, for He is indeed the Paraclete — the Comforter.

Against the slavery of all evil habits that weigh down the will let us invoke Him, for " where the Spirit of God is, there is true liberty."

Has He come ? Then let us meet Him with attention, vigilance, and profound respect. Let us not "'grieve the Spirit of God by our faults and imperfections."


MARY languished waiting anxiously many years for the blessed day that would reunite Her with Her Son. It came at length. Her lamp of life was peacefully extinguished in the home of the beloved disciple, St. John, surrounded by other apostles, whose messages she bore to heaven. A virgin sepulchre received the mortal remains of the spotless Virgin. It was the mysterious cradle soon to be visited by the Author of life. Sleep on, dear Blessed Mother, sleep on, whilst the infant Church mourns around thy grave !

Soon one of the disciples desired to see again His Mother's face, and to kiss the blessed hand that had caressed the Saviour of the world. The tomb was opened, but the immaculate body was not there ; instead of it were found roses and lilies of the sweetest perfume — a fitting symbol of her perfections and virtues.

Thus a miracle is performed in the silent shade of the tomb. Jesus, from the highest heavens contemplating the spotless body which was the tabernacle of His humanity, repeated the words of the prophet : " Thou wilt not give Thy Holy One to see corruption." He applies it to His holy Mother ; He will not suffer Her to feel the corruption of the grave. Mary slumbers in death, as Her Son once did, but He awakes Her with these loving words of the Canticles : "Arise, make haste, my love, my dove, my beautiful one, and come. The winter is now past ; the rain is over and gone. The flowers have appeared in our land ; the time of pruning is come ; the voice of the turtle is heard. The fig-tree has put forth her green figs ; the vines in flower yield their sweet smell. Arise, my love, my beautiful one, and come. . . . Come from Libanus, where the incorruptible cedars grow. Come and be crowned." *

* Antiphon of the Assumption.

Mary can neither rise nor ascend to heaven of Her own power, but the Author of life extends to Her His omnipotent force, places His angels at Her service, and they bear Her to Her home in heaven.

To us poor mortals the privilege of incorruption in the tomb does not belong. Wretched children of Adam, defiled, from the first moment of our existence, by original sin, unfaithful to the grace of our regeneration, frequently guilty of sin after having been pardoned, we have opened to death all the avenues of life. Death entered with sin and has written on our flesh this terrible word : Corruption ! Nothing escapes its cruel tooth. The skin, gradually eaten away, soon disappears entirely, leaving only a dry skeleton ; and this, too, silently crumbling into dust, is mingled with the surrounding earth by the grave-digger's spade when he is preparing a place for other dead bodies. This is the end of all.

Let us not be terrified, however, at our nothingness. Men may seek for us in vain ; but the all-seeing eye of God follows through the mazes of nature the wanderings of the particles which once composed our bodies. When the world shall have finished its course the Author of life will visit the empire of death, and with His sovereign voice will address the elements of which human bodies were once constituted, saying : " Unite, arise, come." Then the bones of each human being shall be recomposed, and the flesh shall recover the texture and color by which it was once before known. This is a certain truth.

And it is no less certain that our resurrection will be the same as our death. It will be glorious or ignominious, it will be for eternal joy or eternal sorrow, according as our death shall have been in justice or sin.

Let us meditate seriously on these truths ; and whilst we carry about with us our bodies as vessels made by the divine hand for honor, and destined to receive from the same hand a new existence which no inimical force can destroy, let us take good care not to make of them objects of almost idolatrous attention which cannot save them from the ravages of time or the corruption of the grave. If to-day we hear the forebodings of death, if we are saddened by our infirmities, if our thoughts are gloomy and dark, if the perfection of our souls is retarded or burdened with the weight of our bodies, let us not repine. Patience ! Patience ! One day this poor companion of the soul will rise immortal, incorruptible, brighter than the stars of heaven, obedient to the commands of the soul which will impart to it a wonderful agility. If the body presses us with gross demands, and even incites to sin, we must inexorably repress it. We must preserve ourselves from all defilement by wise precautions, strong resolutions, and salutary chastisements. The more we resemble in the flesh the unsullied flesh of our Holy Mother, the more resplendent will be the glory of our resurrection.


HEAVEN is opened. Our Most Holy Mother, invited by Her Son, triumphantly enters in. " Come and be crowned,’ our Saviour says to Her. Let us assist in spirit at this coronation. It is the eternal consecration of all the virtues, of all the dolors of Mary. It is the recompense which confers upon Her the greatest power ever before imparted to a creature. All the kings of Judah gather round their well-beloved daughter. " David dances for joy ; the angels and archangels unite with Israel's sweet singer to chant the praises of their Queen. The virtues proclaim Her glory ; the principalities, powers, and dominations exult with joy ; the thrones felicitate Her who was the living and immaculate throne of the Most High. The cherubim salute Her in a canticle of praise, and the seraphim declare Her glory," says St. John Damascene. Finally Jesus comes, and, amid the plaudits of the whole Court of Heaven, places a crown on the brow of His Most Blessed Mother.

Jesus forgets nothing. All is crowned in Mary : Her thoughts, Her desires, Her actions, Her virtues, Her merits — even Her privileges, of which She had rendered Herself most worth by Her constant correspondence with the admirable designs of God. The feast of the Coronation is a feast of justice.

Christian soul, this feast of justice ought to rejoice your heart ! It is your Mother is honored, it is your Mother's triumph ; and Her triumph teaches us that we have a just God in heaven, who, when the day of remuneration comes, will remember all. Therefore what signify the difficulties, sorrows, languors, and tribulations of our short lives ? "For the rest there is laid up for us a crown of justice which the Lord, the just judge, will bestow upon us in that day" (2 Tim. iv.) O senseless souls who run after earthly goods, can you say this of the world you seem to adore or of the rulers of the world ? They promise riches, pleasures, celebrity, love. Your whole soul is held in a state of tension by the toys of imagination, covetous desires, or other passions ; your senses themselves are disturbed, your health is injured, your life is filled with intrigues, troubles, and meannesses. Humble yourselves, throw away earthly cares, else you will never be able to say, with the noble and fervent confidence of the true Christian : " There is laid up for me a crown." Crowns of gold or of roses, of honor or affection, often slip from your grasp just when you think you hold them most securely. And if you were able to obtain at once all the crowns of the world, you must bring them at last before the "just Judge," who will, with pitiless hand, tear them from your brow and throw them down to rot where you received them. We cannot carry with us to heaven useless or hurtful ornaments. Our crown in heaven — our true crown — will remain eternally on our brow and will never fade. "And when the Prince of pastors shall appear you shall receive a never-fading crown of glory " (1 Peter v. 4).

Feed yourself, then, O my soul ! on these deep and consoling thoughts. The all-just Rewarder of all faithful souls sees you and knows you. Despise the vain objects of worldlings and cling to the road that brings you to a crown of glory. It is a rough and difficult road. You will have to overcome obstacles, to leap over more than one abyss, to avoid ambuscades(def. attack from an ambush.), to fight the enemy, to repair reverses and even defeats. Courage ! Courage ! All your marches, all your efforts, all your labors and combats are in God's keeping : " For the rest there is laid up for you a crown." You will say: " If I could only march alone on the hard road leading to glory ! But no ; I must carry along with me this miserable body. It is a furnace of sin, and of sorrow too. It obscures my sight so that I cannot see clearly what I ought to see ; from it come doubts, scruples, dryness, disquietude, chagrin, and anguish. From time and from nature it receives many blows and wounds. How many are the evils, both external and internal, of our sad lives ! " Courage ! Courage ! All these are counted ; all will be crowned. At once a champion, a pilgrim, and a martyr, you will be able to say with the great Apostle of the Gentiles : " I have fought the good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith. For the rest, there is laid up for me a crown of justice, which the Lord, the just judge, will render to me at that day ; and not to me only, but to them also who love His coming " (2 Tim. iv. 7, 8).

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Liturgical Schedule
Date Liturgical Schedule
October 20: Saint John Cantius, Confessor
Dominican Martyrology
October 21: Saint Hilarion, Abbot
Commemoration of Saint Ursula and her Companions, Virgins and Martyrs
Dominican Martyrology
October 22: Twentieth Sunday after Pentecost
Blessed Peter of Tiferno, Confessor, OP Book
Dominican Martyrology
October 23: Saint Anthony Marie Claret
Blessed Bartholomew Breganza, Bishop and Confessor OP Book
Dominican Martyrology
October 24: Saint Raphael, Archangel
Dominican Martyrology
October 25: St. Isidore the Farmer, Patron of Madrid
Saints Chrysanthus And Daria, Martyrs
Dominican Martyrology
October 26: Saint Evaristis, Pope and Martyr
Blessed Damien of Finario,Confessor OP Book
Dominican Martyrology
October 27: Vigil of Saints Simon And Jude, Apostles
Dominican Martyrology
October 28: Saints Simon And Jude, Apostles
Dominican Martyrology
October 29: Feast of Christ the King
Twentieth-first Sunday after Pentecost
Blessed Benvenuta Bojani,Virgin OP Book
Dominican Martyrology
October 30: Mass of Preceding Sunday.
Dominican Martyrology
October 31: Vigil Of All Saints
Dominican Martyrology
November 1: Feast of All Saints
Dominican Martyrology
November 2: Feast of All Souls
Dominican Martyrology
November 3: Blessed Simon Ballachi, Lay Brother,Confessor, OP Book
Third Day Within The Octave Of All Saints
Dominican Martyrology
November 4: Saint Charles Borromeo, Bishop and Confessor
Votive Mass of the Sacred Heart (First Friday)
Dominican Martyrology
November 5: Twenty-second Sunday after Pentecost
Saint Martin de Porres, Confessor, OP Book
Fifth Day Within The Octave Of All Saints
Dominican Martyrology
November 6: Sixth Day Within The Octave Of All Saints
Dominican Martyrology
November 7: Seventh Day Within The Octave Of All Saints
Blessed Peter of Ruffia, Martyr, OP Book
Dominican Martyrology
November 8: Octave Day of All Saints
Commemoration of the Four Crowned Martyrs
Dominican Martyrology
November 9: Dedication Of The Basilica Of Saint Saviour
Commemoration of Saint Theodore, Martyr
Dominican Martyrology
November 10: Saint Andrew Avellino, Confessor
Commemoration of Saints Tryphon, Eespicius, and Nympha, Martyrs
Dominican Martyrology
November 11: Saint Martin, Bishop and Confessor
Commemoration of Saint Mennas, Martyr
Dominican Martyrology
November 12: Twenty-third Sunday after Pentecost
Feast of All Saints of the Dominican Order, OP Book
Saint Martin I, Pope and Martyr
Dominican Martyrology
November 13: Saint Francis Xavier Cabrini
Saint Thomas Aquinas, Patron of Catholic Schools, OP Book
Saint Didacus, Confessor
Dominican Martyrology
November 14: Saint Josaphat, Bishop and Martyr
Dominican Martyrology
November 15: Saint Albert the Great
Saint Albert the Great, OP Book
Dominican Martyrology
November 16: Saint Gertrude, Virgin
Blessed Lucy of Narni,Virgin, OP Book
Dominican Martyrology
November 17: Saint Gregory Thaumaturgus, Bishop and Confessor
Dominican Martyrology
November 18: Dedication Of The Basilicas Of Saints Peter And Paul
Dominican Martyrology
November 19: Twenty-fourth Sunday after Pentecost (Sixth Sunday after Epiphany)
Saint Elizabeth Of Hungary, Widow
Commemoration of Saint Pontian, Martyr
Dominican Martyrology
November 20: Saint Felix of Valois, Confessor
Dominican Martyrology
November 21: Presentation Of The Blessed Virgin Mary
Dominican Martyrology
November 22: Saint Cecilia, Virgin and Martyr
Dominican Martyrology
November 23: Saint Clement I., Pope and Martyr
Commemoration of Saint Felicitas, Martyr
Dominican Martyrology
November 24: Saint John Of The Cross, Confessor
Commemoration of Saint Chrysogonus, Martyr
Dominican Martyrology
November 25: Saint Catharine, Virgin and Martyr
Saint Catharine of Alexandria, Protectress of the Order, OP Book
Dominican Martyrology
November 26: Twenty-fifth Sunday and Last Sunday after Pentecost
Blessed James Benefatti, Bishop and Confessor, OP Rite
Saint Sylvester, Abbot
Commemoration of Saint Peter of Alexandria, Bishop and Martyr
Dominican Martyrology
November 27: Blessed Margaret of Savoy,Widow, OP Book
November 28: Dominican Martyrology
November 29: Vigil of Saint Andrew, Apostle
Dominican Martyrology
November 30: Saint Andrew, Apostle
Dominican Martyrology

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